Comprehensive History of Church Vol 4 : XCIV : 1 : - Comprehensive History of Church Vol 4 : Notes 4 : 120n : 34

CHAPTER XCIV

MISCELLANEOUS EVENTS, 1851-7: EXTENSION OF COLONIES EAST AND WEST--CORNER STONES OF THE SALT LAKE TEMPLE LAID

In pointing out the underlying cause of the troubles between the Latter-day Saints in Utah and the government of the United States, and following the first clash between the United States "foreign" appointees for Utah and the saints to its conclusion, I passed by many events in the history both of the church and of the territory that were parallel with those events and that now claim our attention.

EARLY SETTLEMENTS EAST OF SALT LAKE CITY

Among these events was the extension of the Latter-day Saint colonies in the Great Basin. The first colony planted east of the line of counties extending north and south of Salt Lake county was a settlement in Parley's Park, a little southeast of Salt Lake City. The settlement was made by Samuel Snyder who built sawmills in the park, early in 1853. Later settlements were formed along the valley of the Weber river, and later, viz., 1861, Summit county was organized. It takes its name from the fact that it includes within its boundaries several of the summits of the Wasatch range. It borders Salt Lake and Morgan counties on the east, and is noted for its coal and mineral deposits.

In the year 1853, two companies were organized in Salt Lake City to effect a settlement in the Green river valley. The first company, consisting of 39 men, was led by John Nebeker; the second, numbering 53 men, was under the leadership of Isaac Bullock. Both companies united and formed a settlement on a stream known as Smith's Fork, in the vicinity of Fort Bridger, calling their settlement Fort Supply. Some months previous to the founding of this settlement Brigham Young had purchased of James Bridger a tract of land comprising thirty square miles, for which he paid $8,000 in gold. He erected a stone fort and made corrals for the protection of animals, and made other improvements on the ranch, amounting to $8,000 more. A county was organized called Green River county, with Fort Supply as the county seat. "In 1857 the United States Army, under General Albert Sidney Johnston, took possession of Fort Bridger in the name of the United States, and declared it to be a military reservation. The reservation was also extended over the settlement and farming lands of Fort Supply, the county seat. Alfred Cumming, then (1857-1861) governor of Utah, made an attempt to restore the property to the citizens who had been dispossessed by military authority, but his efforts were unsuccessful, having been overruled by John B. Floyd, then secretary of war. The loss and damage sustained by these Pioneers amounted to about $300,000."

Another attempt at settlement eastwardly was made in 1855, when, on the 21st of May, about forty settlers under the leadership of Brother Alfred N. Billings, went from Manti, San Pete county, to a valley near La Sal Mountains, then called Elk Mountains, east of Grand river. The settlement was formed in the vicinity of the present site of Moab in Grand county, near what is now the eastern line of Utah. In September, however, the settlers were treacherously attacked by Indians and three of their number killed and one other wounded. The Indians also burned the settlers' hay in the stack, and turned off the water that supplied the fort that had been erected during the summer. On the second day of the attack the Indians surrounded the fort in great numbers, and there being no prospect of a reconciliation, and acting upon the advice of a few friendly Indians, the settlers mounted their horses, and leaving all their cattle and other effects in the fort, they started for Manti where they arrived without further adventure on the 30th of September.

SETTLEMENTS WEST OF THE SALT LAKE CITY LINE

The first extension west of the north and south line of counties founded under the provisional government of "Deseret," was the settlement at San Bernardino, California, already considered in chapter lxxxviii of this History. The next movement westward was in 1855, under the leadership of Elder Orson Hyde of the twelve apostles. Elder Hyde with a company of thirty-five men left Salt Lake City on the 16th of May, and arrived at their destination--Carson valley, on the west side of the Great Basin,--about the middle of June.

The first settlers of Carson valley were from among the emigrants of 1849-50-51 (gold rush period), and made up of both "Mormons" and Gentiles, with the former predominating in numbers. The inducement to settlement in this valley, so far removed from the settlements on the east side of the Great Basin, aside from the attractiveness of the valley itself, was the prospect of great gain by trade with the overland emigration to California. Among the "Mormons" prominent in making these settlements was H. S. Beatie and John Reese. The former built a house on the present site of Genoa, the county seat of Douglas county, now in Nevada, and after two years of profitable emigrant trade sold out his "station" to John Reese, who in partnership with his brother Enoch continued to occupy it for several years.

THE CARSON VALLEY SETTLEMENTS

It was a matter of duty on the part of the territory of Utah to extend government over these settlements in Carson valley, and accordingly, in 1854, the legislature passed an act creating Carson county, and Orson Hyde was appointed its probate judge. Carson county was within the third judicial district of the territory over which United States Judge George P. Stiles presided and who accompanied Elder Hyde to Carson valley for the purpose of holding court in that part of the judicial district. Joseph Heywood, United States territorial marshal went with the party to aid the court. These three gentlemen had been appointed by Governor Young to act with commissioners from California, to establish the proper boundary between Utah and California. A commission which Governor Young announced to the Utah legislature of 1855-6, and whose duties were satisfactorily executed.

The year following another company of settlers went to Carson valley, in which were included a number of men who became prominent in both the civic and the ecclesiastical life of Utah; and doubtless the western side of the Great Basin, the beautiful Carson valley, would have been the scene of strong, thriving "Mormon" colonies but for the incident known as the "Utah War"--to be considered later--which led to the practical abandonment of this and other outlying settlements.

In Carson valley the saints were again in contact with a non-"Mormon" population; for the people in the Sacramento and the American river valleys no less than the people of Utah, were aware of the advantages of trading stations in that locality, and some of them hastened to establish them. Until the arrival of Orson Hyde's company of settlers, in 1855, the inhabitants of Carson valley were nearly evenly divided as between "Mormon" and non-"Mormon;" though among the former a number were classed as "Mormons" who really had no standing in the church, as they had either been excommunicated, or of themselves had fallen away from conscious union with the church. Always restive under the dominion of Utah territory, and also suffering some inconveniences because of the distance they were removed from the seat of the territorial government, the Gentile and indifferent "Mormons" of Carson valley had made several attempts, even before the arrival of Elder Hyde's company of settlers, to obtain either a separate territorial government or to be incorporated within the state of California; and after the departure of the main body of the saints in 1857, to meet the emergency of the "Utah War," these efforts were renewed from time to time until finally, on the 2nd of March, 1861, the territory of Nevada was created by act of congress out of the western half of Utah, the eastern boundary being fixed, first at the thirty-ninth degree of longitude, west from Washington; but by act of congress in 1862 the eastern boundary was extended to the thirty-eighth degree, and by an act of the same body, in 1866, to the thirty-seventh meridian, the new territory thus being given more than one-half of the territory of Utah, as organized by congress in 1850.

The boundaries of Utah were still further cut down on the organization of Colorado as a territory in 1861. The west boundary of said territory extended to the thirty-second meridian, west from Washington, thus cutting down Utah's area by two full degrees on the eastern borders. Utah was still further despoiled of dimensions when the territory of Nebraska was organized--1854, and again when Wyoming was organized in 1868. Taking advantage of the temporary abandonment of the Fort Bridger district by the Salt Lake colonies in 1857, on account of its seizure by the United States army under General A. S. Johnston, the friends of Wyoming prevailed upon congress so far as to have included this portion of Utah in the new territory, running north from the forty-first parallel of latitude and east of the 34th meridian, an area of about eight thousand square miles, leaving the territory of Utah--and now the state--an area only of about 85,000 square miles.

About the time the Carson valley settlers left Salt Lake City, another company, known as the "Salmon River Lamanite Mission," consisting of twenty-seven brethren, led by Thomas S. Smith, of Davis county, started for a point on Salmon river, now in Idaho,--then Oregon--a distance of three hundred and eighty miles north of Salt Lake City, where they arrived about the middle of June and erected a fort which they named "Fort Limhi."

THE SALMON RIVER OR "LIMHI" SETTLEMENT

In the spring of 1857 President Young with a company of 115 men, 22 women, and five boys paid a Visit to Fort Limhi, the purpose being to explore the country with a view to the establishment of settlements in the future. President Young remained four days and a half at Fort Limhi, during which time he held a friendly conference with the Indian chiefs in the vicinity, smoked the pipe of peace with them at the fort, and distributed gifts of blankets, tobacco, etc,, with which the Indians were delighted. Among the Interesting incidents of this journey is the fact that Arapeen, the brother of Walker, the Utah chief, and who succeeded Walker as war chief of the Utahs, with a number of his braves, accompanied President Young to Fort Limhi, and was present and participated in the friendly conferences with the Bannocks.

CHIEF ARAPEEN'S VISION

Early in the year 1857, Chief Arapeen reported having had a visitation from the spirit of his brother Walker, of which the following is the record in President Young's Ms. History:

"Vision of Arapeen: Arapeen, brother of Walker, Utah chief, reported to the brethren in San Pete that he had a vision, in which Walker appeared to him, and told him not to fight the `Mormons,' but cultivate peace with them. The Lord had revealed to Arapeen that the land was his [i. e. the Lord's] and did not belong to the indians nor the `Mormons;' that Walker had taken sick and died a natural death; that the Indians who stole should be whipped and have a ball and chain put on them; but it was not good to kill them and spill their blood on the land; that Arapeen was to relate what was communicated to him to President Welcome Chapman, and Counselor Higgins and Bishop Lowry (of Manti), and they would write it.

Arapeen was also informed that it was not good for the `Mormons' to trade guns and ammunition to the Indians at present. The Lord said that by and by when all people were good, and at peace, he would live on the earth with them. Arapeen saw three personages whose garments were as white as snow and as brilliant as the sun, and he was informed that all good people would eventually appear as these personages did: the Lord often talked with Brigham and now would talk with Arapeen also." The frame of mind resulting from this "vision" led doubtless to the chief accompanying President Young on this expedition to the north.

"This expedition" is a fair sample of the manner in which President Young made such journeys. As stated the company consisted of 115 men, 22 women and 5 boys. There were 54 wagons and carriages, and two light boats with decking planks for ferrying. The old organization in transit of the plains was followed. There was a presidency over the camp--Young, Kimball and Wells; three chaplains, Elders Hyde, Richards and Snow (Lorenzo); a captain, R. F. Burton; a marshal, J. C. Little; sergeant of the guard, Warren S. Snow; three engineers, A. Carrington, Jesse W. Fox and T. D. Brown; two clerks, J. W. Cummings and T. D. Brown. The wagons were grouped into tens, and a captain appointed to each group. Compass courses and odometer readings marked the line of the journey, and the distances from point to point; all of which were kept in tabulated form. The best of discipline, resulting in perfect order, was maintained, and the journey made without loss or serious inconvenience. On disbanding the camp at the end of the return journey, "a united and most heartfelt vote of thanks was returned to our president," says the chronicler, "for his fatherly care and kindness, for his prudent mode of regulating the travel, noon halts, and camps; and for his most excellent example, counsels and instructions during the journey."

The northern expedition occupied thirty-three days, and included a visit to all the settlements north of Salt Lake City.

During this period--1851-57--colonial growth also included the settlement and organization of Morgan county, northeasterly of Salt Lake county, by Jedediah Morgan Grant, Thomas Thurston and others. The county took its name from the "Morgan" in Elder Grant's name.

THE FIRST STATE CAPITAL

Southward, Millard and Washington counties were organized; and Fillmore, about one hundred and fifty miles south of Salt Lake City, in Millard county, was made the capital of the territory. President Fillmore was doubly honored by having both the county and the territorial capital city named for him. The Utah colonists believed that President Fillmore deserved well at their hands, both because of inaugurating such government as had been accorded to Utah, as also by withstanding all pressure to support the "run-a-way officials," and by his manifest friendliness in the appointment of their successors.

The reason for removing the capital from the Salt Lake to the Pauvan valley, as set forth in Governor Young's message to the legislature, 1852, are as follows: The location is far more central to the territory than Salt Lake City; the Pauvan valley will sustain a large and dense population; locating the seat of government there would encourage settlers to go there and very much facilitate the settlement of all other suitable places in that region. "Under all these circumstances," concludes Governor Young, "the location of the capital at the place selected appears judicious upon its own merits, and will unquestionably advance the already prosperous and vastly increasing resources of the territory." The city was surveyed into blocks of ten acres each, subdivided into eight lots of eight rods wide, running at right angles and with the four points of the compass. Sawmills and flouring mills were soon erected; also a city hall and a schoolhouse. Work on the state house was begun, and the south wing of it completed by December, 1855, at a cost of about $32,000 dollars. This wing of the state house was built of stone, the dimensions being 41 feet 4 inches wide, by 61 feet 8 inches long. There was a basement and two stories. The basement was 10 feet high, the first story 12, and the second 14 feet 6 inches to the spring of the arch. A cut of the building as far as it was completed accompanies this chapter, showing it as it stands today.

THE ONE AND ONLY SESSION OF THE LEGISLATURE AT THE NEW CAPITAL

Fillmore did not long enjoy the distinction of being the capital of the territory. One session only of the legislature was held there, that of 1855-56, which continued through forty days; and for that winter Fillmore was the center of the officialdom of Utah, since, in addition to Governor Young, Secretary Almon W. Babbitt--successor to Secretary Ferris--and members of the legislature, there were present that winter in the half-built frontier town, Judges J. F. Kinney, G. P. Stiles, and W. W. Drummond of the supreme court; marshal of the territory, J. L. Heywood, T. R. King, probate judge of Millard county, and Amasa M. Lyman and Erastus Snow of the council of the apostles, all of whom were accorded the freedom of the floor of the general assembly.

Heber C. Kimball was president of the council and Jedediah M. Grant speaker of the house.

PUBLIC BUILDINGS OF THIS PERIOD WHICH BECAME FAMOUS

Within the period covered in this chapter a number of the public buildings which are regarded as historical in Utah were erected or begun. Among them the "Old Council House." This was the first permanent public building erected in Salt Lake City. It was of red sandstone, 45 feet square and two stories in height. A large hall and two office rooms occupied each floor. The structure was begun on the 26th of February, 1849, and completed by December, 1850. It was designed as a "general council house" for the church; but was also used by the provisional "State of Deseret" as a "state house." During the early days of Utah the territorial legislature met there, and for a number of years it housed the territorial public library. It was also used for sacred purposes. Under instructions from President Young, Heber C. Kimball on the 7th of July, 1852, resumed the administration of endowment ordinances to the saints in it, which privilege had been suspended since the expulsion from Nauvoo. It was also occupied by the "University of Deseret" for a number of years, beginning in March, 1869. It was destroyed by fire on the 21st of June, 1883. The "Council House" stood on the southwest corner of South Temple and Main streets, the site now occupied by the Deseret News Building.

Also the "Social Hall," on the east side of State street between South Temple and 1st South street, Salt Lake City. It was built in 1852, but not opened for use until the first of January, 1853. It was built of adobes and in dimensions was 73x33 feet, having two floors, a basement and a main floor. It was built for uses implied by its name, social and semi-social functions, balls, feasts, amateur theatricals, birthday anniversaries of prominent persons, and the like. It was also used for more serious purposes. Some sessions of the legislature were held there, and council meetings of the priesthood were frequent. The "Social Hall" gave place to the modern improvements of automobile "gas stations."

On the opposite side of the street, and between First and Second South, was the "Seventies Hall of Science," later known by the less pretentious name of the "Seventies Hall." This was also an adobe building, 50x30 inside measurement, erected to accommodate as a meeting place and class room for the seventies who constitute, in the main, as already explained in a former chapter, the foreign missionary force of the church. The "Seventies Hall" has long since been displaced by more pretentious buildings; but the fact of its once having had an existence is mute testimony of the early ambition for learning on the part of the seventies, the foreign preaching ministry of the church.

In this same period also the "Old Tabernacle" was built on the southwest corner of temple block, on the site now occupied by the "Assembly Hall." This building was 126 feet long by 64 feet wide, the ceiling was arched without a pillar, and capable of seating 2,200 persons (some put the seating capacity at 3,000), an auditorium such as was not to be found in any other frontier town in western America. It was dedicated to the sacred purposes to which it was devoted--the public worship of God and religious instruction--on the 6th of April, 1852, amid great rejoicing of the people.

The "Tabernacle," however, by the time it was completed, was still inadequate to accommodate the public, and a "bowery," 156 feet long, and 138 feet wide, capable of seating an audience of 8,000, was attached on the north; but as this was not roofed in, except by an annual supply of "brush" for shade, it could only be used in the summer season.

In the northwest corner of the temple square stood the "Endowment House," erected in this period. It was an adobe, two story structure, flanked by two one story wings, and built for the purpose implied in its name--the solemnization of temple endowment ceremonies--pending the erection of the temple. It was dedicated to its sacred purposes on the 5th of May, 1855, and remained in use, with little interruption, for thirty-four years, when it was taken down by order of Wilford Woodruff, in the spring of 1889, because of rumors that plural marriages, contrary to the law of the land, were being solemnized in the building.

THE BEGINNING OF THE SALT LAKE TEMPLE

Within the period being considered the great Salt Lake temple was begun. From the time of leaving the temple at Nauvoo, the building of another and a grander temple was constantly held before the vision of the westward migrating saints. In the "Old Tabernacle," during the second conference that was held within its walls, namely, in October, 1852, the vote to build the temple was taken on the 9th of October, after discourses upon the subject by Elder Heber C. Kimball, Geo. A. Smith, and John Taylor; and on the 14th of February following, ground was broken in the presence of several thousand people, who formed a hollow square round the plat that had been surveyed. All the civil and military organizations of the city were present, and several bands of music. President Young and others addressed the multitude. Ground was broken at the southeast corner by President Young; who afterwards dismissed the people. "But the day being pleasant many remained to work on the excavation, and much earth was removed that afternoon," says the chronicle.

CORNER STONES OF THE SALT LAKE TEMPLE LAID

On the sixth of April, of the same year, the corner stones were laid with becoming ceremonies and amid great rejoicing. Many bands of music were present, together with civic, military, and religious orders in attendance. The southeast corner stone was laid by President Young and his counselors--the presidency of the high priesthood of the church; the southwest corner stone by Presiding Bishop Hunter and his counselors--the presidency of the Aaronic priesthood of the church; the northwest corner stone was laid by John Young, president of the high priests quorum of the Salt Lake stake, assisted by the high council of the stake; the northeast corner stone was laid by the twelve apostles, the general presidency of the seventies and the presidency of the elders.

Thus the corner stones of the Salt Lake temple were laid--just twelve years from the time the corner stones of the Nauvoo temple were laid. But thirty-nine years must elapse before the saints shall bring the capstone to its place with rejoicing; and forty years before they shall see it brought to completion and dedicated to God in whose honor its foundations were laid, and to whose glory its noble, granite walls and splendid towers were upbuilded.

THE TEMPLE A TESTIMONY OF THE SAINTS IN STONE

It may be instructive, as giving an insight into the character of these men--the church leaders, and this small frontier community, who on the 14th day of February broke the ground for, and on the 6th day of April, 1853, laid the corner stones of this sacred structure--(which has since become world-famed)--if we are here informed that its foundations, which they then began, were 193 feet east and west through the center of the building, embracing the footings of the walls; 125 feet north and south through the center of the towers, including the footings of the walls; that these dimensions cover an area of 21,850 square feet; that the foundations begun that day were laid 16 feet deep, and 16 feet broad at the base, tapering on each side to 8 feet in width, from which rise the walls eight feet thick in the first story, but reduced by stages in the second story to 6 feet--to the height of 107 feet 6 inches; the east center tower rising to 210 feet high, the west center tower being 6 feet less in height.

The Latter-day Saint community then laying the foundation of this great structure in the western wilderness numbered in the territory of Utah less than twenty thousand souls--men, women and children; and less than six thousand Latter-day Saints in Salt Lake City, and they had not yet been six years upon the ground. An undertaking so immense and begun under such circumstances, shows the church leaders to be men of large vision, and presents both the leaders and the people to the view of history as possessed of splendid courage and sublime faith in their mission and destiny. Nor did their faith in their ability to achieve result in disappointment. Realization in this case even outran anticipation; for while this noble granite structure slowly rose through the years to its completion, three other temples were built in various parts of the territory, second only in solidity and grandeur, in the western country, at the time of their completion, to this temple in Salt Lake City. And meantime the saints were engaged in many other activities and enterprises of both a public and private character that enter into the building of a state, the enlargement of a church, and the world-wide promulgation of a religion.

NOTES

1. GOVERNOR YOUNG'S LETTER TO SENATOR STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS ON REMOVING THE EASTERN LINE OF UTAH FROM THE SUMMIT OF THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS

In the midst of the agitation which arose over the organization of Nebraska and Kansas territories, in 1854, when it was proposed to remove the east line of Utah from the summit of the Rocky Mountains to the eastern rim of the Great Basin, Governor Young wrote a very interesting letter to his friend, Senator Stephen A. Douglas, of which he gives the following account in his Ms. History:

"April 29th [1854]: I wrote to Honorable Stephen A. Douglas that it was rumored that James Bridger from Black's Fork of Green river, had become the oracle to congress in all matters pertaining to Utah. That he had informed congress (as well as the Missouri Democrat) that Utah had dared to assess and collect taxes--that the `Mormons' must have killed Captain Gunnison because the Pahvantes had no guns--that the `Mormons' are an outrageous set, with no redeeming qualities.

I expressed my astonishment that Bridger should be sought after for information on any point when a gentleman like Delegate Bernhisel was accessible, and forwarded the depositions of two strangers who had voluntarily given the same relative to the uncivilized conversation and conduct of Mr. Bridger.

As to the organization of the two territories, Kansas and Nebraska, and the removal of the eastern boundary line of Utah from the summit of the Rocky Mountains to the eastern rim of what is called the Great Basin it looked to me like two faces under one hood, or like a card faced on both sides; one side for all `Mormon'-hating, legal voters, with this sentiment in relief. `Can you not see that the Mormons are no pets of ours; we have curtailed them of nearly half their territory, without the least shadow of reason for so doing, and manifestly to the disadvantage of all settlers between the present and former eastern boundary.' On the other side. `Oh you dearly beloved Mormons, please observe that you have still quite a scope of mountain, desert and arid plain, and how thankful you should be that you have any portion left you, when the wire workers are so powerful against you.'

The following paragraphs concluded my letter:

`No doubt many fancy that they have now succeeded in nearly swallowing us up, please say to all such that I am sanguine that the `Mormons' are still here in their central position and are laboring diligently and earnestly as heretofore, for the peace, union, prosperity and welfare of ourselves, for our common country, and in fine of all mankind, at an altitude of over four thousand feet above the strata of tumult, turmoil and strife that are occupying the time and energies of the great majority of the human family. In all frankness, friend Douglas, I shall feel exceedingly obliged by the organization of the two proposed territories, and with their proposed boundaries, for in Nebraska our population is even now the majority and we had contemplated making several settlements therein in a short time, and thus you see that we stand every chance of having two territories in lieu of one.'

I also called for an expression of Judge Douglas' views on the Pacific railroad question, and informed him that whatever route it should be constructed upon, it would be the very best one for the interest of Utah and precisely where we would rather have it."

No territory was at that time taken from Utah, but subsequently, 1861, a triangular piece on the western slope of the Rocky Mountains was granted to Nebraska, which was finally included in the territory of Wyoming.

2. OPENING CEREMONIES OF LAYING THE FOUNDATION STONES OF THE SALT LAKE TEMPLE, APRIL 6TH, 1853

Wednesday, April 6, 1853, could not have dawned a more lovely day, or have been more satisfactory to saints or angels. The distant valleys sent forth their inhabitants, this valley swarmed forth its thousands, and a more glorious sight has not been seen for generations than at Great Salt Lake City this day.

The Deseret National flag was unfurled to the breeze. The Nauvoo Brass Band, Captain Balloo's Band, and the Military Band, enlivened the air with their sweetest strains. The Silver Greys made a venerable appearance, and the minute men, true to their duty, were at their posts at an early hour. The police, under the efficient management of Captain Hardy, were at their posts at the time appointed; and the countenances of the saints were as glad and cheerful as though each had been favored with the visitation of an angel. So opened the general conference of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in Great Salt Lake City, which was called to order in the tabernacle, by President Young, at ten a. m.

Present:--Of the first presidency: Brigham Young, Heber C. Kimball, and Willard Richards.

Presiding patriarch: John Smith.

Of the quorum of the twelve: O. Hyde, Parley P. Pratt, John Taylor, W. Woodruff, E. T. Benson, G. A. Smith, A. Lyman, C. C. Rich, L. Snow, E. Snow, and Franklin D. Richards.

Of the presidents of the seventies: Joseph Young, L. Hancock, Z. Pulsipher, H. Herriman, B. L. Clapp, A. P. Rockwood, and J. M. Grant.

Presidency of the high priests' quorum: John Young, R. Cahoon, and G. B. Wallace.

President of the stake: David Fullmer.

High council of Zion, presidency of the elders' quorum.

Presiding bishop: Edward Hunter.

Clerk of conference: Thomas Bullock.

Reporter:G. D. Watt.

President Young made a few introductory remarks to the saints; said that in a few years, "we may have a place sufficiently large to accommodate the saints, although twenty-three years ago, the church was organized with only six members."

Choir sung "On Mountain Tops in Latter-days," etc.

Prayer by John Taylor. Choir sung, "Come All Ye Sons of Zion," etc.

The "order of the day" was next read by the clerk.

President Young rejoiced on opening the conference under such favorable auspices.

The procession then formed at the vestry door in the following order--

1st. Martial music.Colors.

2nd. Nauvoo Brass Band. "

3rd. Balloo's Band. "

4th. Captain Pettegrew with relief guards. "

5th. Singers.

6th. First president and counselors, and aged patriarch.

7th. The twelve apostles, first presidency of the seventies, and president and counselors of the elders' quorum.

8th. President of the high priests' quorum, and counselors, in connection with the president of the stake, and the high council.

9th. Presiding bishop, with his counselors; and the presidents of the lesser priesthood, and their counselors.

10th. Architects and workmen selected for the day, with banner, representing "Zion's Workmen."

11th. Captain Merrill, with relief guard, in uniform.

The procession then marched through the line of guards to the southeast corner of the temple ground, the singers taking their position in the center, the Nauvoo brass band on the west bank, and the martial band on the mound southwest. Captains Pettegrew, Hardy, and Merrill, with their commands, occupying the front of the bank (which was sixteen feet deep), and moving from corner to corner with the laying of the several stones, prevented an undue rush of the people, which might, by an excavation, have endangered the lives of many, when President Young, Kimball, and Richards, with Patriarch John Smith, proceeded to lay the southeast corner stone, and ascended the top thereof, the choir sung the following song--

Deep in this holy ground

These corner stones are laid;

Rejoicing thousands round,

O God, implore thine aid,

That Zion now may prospered be,

And rear a temple unto Thee.

How long before thy throne

Shall holy martyrs bleed?

How long shall spirits groan,

And angels mercy plead?

Full long we've toiled, full long have bled,

To bring redemption to our dead.

Here let thy name be known,

Thy blessings manifest,

That men thy truth may own,

And in thy courts be blessed,

All nations feel thy power divine,

And come and worship at thy shrine.

This was followed by an "oration" by President Brigham Young, near the close of which he said: "We dedicate the southeast corner stone of this temple, to the Most High God. May it remain in peace till it has done its work, and until he who has inspired our hearts to fulfill the prophecies of his holy prophets, that the House of the Lord should be reared in the `Top of the Mountains,' shall be satisfied, and say, it is enough."

Similar services were held at each of the other corner stones of the sacred structure.

CHAPTER XCV

MISCELLANEOUS EVENTS, 1851-7 (CONT'D)--EFFORTS AT DEVELOPMENT OF MEANS OF COMMUNICATION--INDIAN WAR OF 1853--THE GUNNISON MASSACRE

The policy of encouraging domestic manufactures adopted by the "State of Deseret" was continued under the regime of the territory of Utah, especially in the period with which this chapter is dealing. Both in the general epistles of the presidency of the church and in his messages as governor, Brigham Young emphasized the importance of establishing home manufactures; and in these documents notes the advancement made in these industries.

ENCOURAGEMENT TO DOMESTIC MANUFACTURES

Thus in a supplement to the general epistle of April 7th, 1851, the presidency of the church said:

"It is our wish that the presidency in England, France, and other places should search out such practical operators in the manufacture of sugar as fully understand their business, and forward them to this place, with all such apparatus as may be needed and cannot be procured here."

In the sixth general epistle from Salt Lake valley the presidency in noting the progress of manufactures, said:

"`The Deseret Pottery' is in successful operation, some good light yellow ware was drawn from the kiln, June 27th, and white ware is soon expected. It is anticipated that the valley materials for making crockery and china ware, will be equal to any other place; and that the pottery will soon be able to supply this market. Good potters are wanted. A carding machine is in operation and doing extensive business in this valley; also one in Utah [valley], and others in progress.

There are four grain and five saw mills in operation, or nearly completed in Great Salt Lake county; also two grain and two saw mills in Weber county; one grain and two saw mills in Davis county; two grain and three saw mills in Utah county; one grain and two saw mills in San Pete county; one grain and one saw mill in Iron county; and one saw mill in Tooele county; and an increasing desire and exertion to promote domestic manufactures prevails throughout the territory."

In his message to the legislature, 1852, Governor Young made the following statement on domestic manufactures:

"Domestic Manufactures, I am happy to state, are in a flourishing condition; considerable qualities of leather and crockery having found their way into market, and a large amount of clothing has been made, principally by the hands of the `good housewife,' who thereby adds dignity to her station and reflects credit and honor upon her household. Specimens of iron have also been forwarded from the works in Iron county, which for the first run, was exceedingly flattering. It separates well, but owing to the sulphur in the coal not being sufficiently extracted, was thereby injured; but a little experience in combining materials, and continued effort, it is believed, will soon produce that article in great abundance, and of good quality. A liberal hand should be extended unto the enterprising men who have nobly devoted their time, under circumstances of penury and want, in producing an article of so much moment as iron, to the urgent necessities, and future wealth of the territory. It will soon pay its own way, and become a source of profit to the producers; but until returns can be received, the enterprise exhausts the means of operators, and they should be relieved by the public funds. * * * I am also happy to announce the arrival in our territory, of the machinery for the manufacture of sugar from the beet. The machinery, and operators who have been accustomed to the manufacture of that article from the beet, have come together from the `Old World,' and being under the direction of energetic, enterprising, and able men, will doubtless soon furnish an abundant supply of that article, for the wants of the people."

The governor was equally observant of the labors of the people in their homes in producing domestic manufactures, as evidenced by the following, which he had recorded in his Journal:

"Sister Hulda Duncan of Davis county, between Aug. 5, 1854, and January 27th, (1855), wove 194 yards of jeans, 508 of linsey and 64 of flannel, besides doing other work. Much cloth of the kinds named, and large quantities of rag carpeting have also been manufactured the past year in Utah. This was done by looms and spinning wheels of a very primitive character."

Encouragement of domestic manufactures, then, may be written down as the policy of Brigham Young--a policy most willingly accepted and followed by the Latter-day Saints--both as president of the church and governor of the territory; but always, it should be remembered, under the spirit of his declaration to the legislature of the "State of Deseret," in 1850, wherein, though he announced himself as in favor of encouraging and aiding home manufactures, he was opposed to such governmental aid, or such combinations of capital, as would result in monopoly against labor. In the early days of the territory, however, and one may say it for Utah throughout the territorial period, manufacturing was of slow development.

"Manufacturing," says H. H. Bancroft, "is seldom a profitable industry in new countries, even from materials native to them, and under the most favorable conditions. It is doubtful whether this branch of enterprise, throughout the Pacific slope, yielded, on an average, six per cent on the entire capital invested, and it is doubtful whether even this average was obtained in Utah."

EARLY METHODS OF COMMUNICATION

Next in interest to the manufactures of the period was the development of means of communication between the settlements, and also with the outside world, both east and west; the establishment of mail and express routes, and carrying companies. The means of communication between the moving camps of the church, and also with the Mormon Battalion and those camps, have been described in a previous chapter. For some time in Utah means had to be improvised by the settlers themselves for communication both among the settlements and with the outside world. These means were various. Sometimes a courier sent with a special message from headquarters to a distant settlement or from a distant settlement to headquarters, carried other messages, and letters and light packages. The departing caravans for distant colonies, or passing emigrant trains east or west were entrusted with the "mail" for settlements through which they would pass, or for migrating companies they would meet, or be likely to overtake. It was generally a matter of accommodation, the acceptance of this trust to receive and deliver mail in those pioneering times, and yet it was service willingly undertaken and faithfully discharged.

ESTABLISHMENT OF UNITED STATES POSTAL SERVICE IN "DESERET"--UTAH

In the winter of 1849 the federal government established a post office at Salt Lake City and appointed Joseph L. Heywood postmaster, and authorized a bi-monthly mail between Kanesville and Great Salt Lake City. It was a permissive act rather than a mandatory opening of a mail route, however, since the arrangement was made for Almon W. Babbitt to carry the mail at his own expense. He ran it in connection with his "carrying and transportation company," between Kanesville and the west. The entry in Brigham Young's History on this point is as follows:

"This winter the federal government established a post office at Great Salt Lake City and appointed Joseph L. Heywood postmaster and also instituted a bimonthly mail between Kanesville and Great Salt Lake City. Almon W. Babbitt engaged to carry the mail at his own expense and charges for the net proceeds."

It was not until 1850, however, that the United States postal service was effectively extended to Salt Lake City; and was very tardily enlarged to include even the principal settlements of the territory, notwithstanding the desire of the Utah colonists to enjoy this service so essential to civilized communities.

In the fourth general epistle of the presidency of the church, Sept. 27, 1850, the following passage on the subject in hand occurs: "The government of the Union has been very tardy in rendering any facilities of communication between themselves and the `State of Deseret,' and having been left to our own resources for information, on the second of August, brother John Y. Green was dispatched to Kanesville with a mail, and on the 15th Elder O. Hyde arrived with a mail from Kane post office; also bringing with him the Frontier Guardian, the only file of newspapers we are in possession of from any part of the earth for the past year." The citizens of Iron county, petitioned the government at Washington, praying for a mail route and post office at that point, dated at "Little Salt Lake, January 28th, 1851;" and likewise they petitioned the general assembly of "Deseret" for the construction of a railroad from Salt Lake to San Diego, in California, via Iron county settlements. Petitions for post offices from new settlements were frequent.

ADVENTURES IN MAIL CARRYING

The first contract with the United States postal department for carrying the mail from Missouri river points to Salt Lake City was made in the summer of 1850, by Samuel H. Woodson of Independence, Missouri. The contract called for a monthly mail between Independence and Salt Lake City, and was to run four years. The first mail under this arrangement arrived in Salt Lake City on the 9th of November, 1850. It brought with it a certified copy of the organic act of the territory of Utah. Letters were also received confirming the rumor that Brigham Young had been appointed to take the census of "Deseret;" also the appointment of Willard Richards as postmaster for Salt Lake City. This may be very properly regarded as the first official installment of the United States postal service in Utah.

In 1851 Woodson subcontracted the carrying of the mail between Fort Laramie and Salt Lake City, to Mr. Feramorz Little, of Utah. The distance was about five hundred miles, much of it through mountainous country with no settlements and but one trading post between the fort and Salt Lake City. The subcontract went into effect on the 1st of August, 1851. Associated with Mr. Little in the subcontract were Ephraim K. Hanks and Charles Decker. In connection with carrying the mail the contractors also carried passengers. The service was attended by great hardship both for men and teams. The first mail from the east under Woodson's contract, for instance, though arriving in Salt Lake City as early as November 9th, was reported to have passed through snow from one to three feet deep for "seventeen days." In 1852 Charles Decker, bringing in the mail from Laramie had a narrow escape from death at the hands of hostile Indians, on which occasion he met with "Kit" Carson, "to whose intercession he ascribed his deliverance." On the same journey he met with the following trying experience chronicled by Brigham Young:

"Brother Charles Decker arrived from Laramie with the eastern mail. He had to swim every river between this and Laramie. The mail coach and mules were lost at Ham's Fork, where the mail lay under water from one to seven p. m.; the lead horses were saved by being cut loose. Brother Decker was in the ice water with the mail all the time, and then exhausted, had no resource but to wrap himself in robes and blankets, wet as water could make them, till morning, when he found himself in a free perspiration, fully relieved from a fever he had been laboring under most of the time since he left the city.

"Brother Ephraim K. Hanks [about the same time had] proceeded as far as Bear river with the eastern mail. At Weber river the raft on which he and party crossed was sucked under, forcing them to swim for their lives: the mail was carried down the stream and lay in the water upward of two hours. After a great deal of trouble and at the risk of their lives they secured it, but in bad condition. On reaching Bear river, which was a foaming torrent, extending from mountain to mountain, they found it impossible to proceed."

These instances of adventure do not exhaust the list of those encountered by these contractors or those in their service, they are set down only as typical of many that occurred. It may be of interest to mention, in passing, that Mr. Samuel H. Woodson, the mail contractor at this time owned part of the tract of land at Independence which was designated as the temple site of Zion, Independence, Missouri--by the Prophet Joseph, in August, 1831. Woodson was succeeded in the mail contract by F. Magraw; and he by Mr. Hiram Kimball, who secured the contract in June, 1857, at $23,600 a year.

When the United States mail service was established providing for a monthly mail between Missouri river points and Utah, the legislature at its next session memorialized congress for a weekly service; and at the same session asked that a semimonthly mail service be installed between San Diego on the Pacific coast and Salt Lake City. They also memorialized congress for the construction of a territorial road from some of the northern settlements of Utah via Fillmore, then the capital of the territory, to the southern boundary, and this as much for the safety and convenience of the California emigration as for the advantage of the inhabitants of Utah. The same legislature also petitioned for a geodetic survey within the territory, in continuation of the scientific work begun by Captain Stansbury, in 1849-50.

PETITION FOR A NATIONAL HIGHWAY TO THE WEST

The legislature also memorialized congress "to provide for locating, grading and macadamizing a national turnpike road from the mouth of Nebraska river, via South Pass, Great Salt Lake City, to Sacramento, California." This piece of national work was also asked for in the interest of the overland emigration to and from the gold mines in California, as well as to Oregon and Utah .

PETITIONS FOR TELEGRAPH LINE AND NATIONAL RAILROAD TO THE WEST

The same legislature memorialized congress for the construction of a telegraph line from the east via Salt Lake City to San Diego, San Francisco, or Astoria, urging as the reason for the construction of such a line the otherwise isolation of the intermountain west, and the moral effect in preserving "our glorious Union" by binding "the east and west by an `electric' stream, * * * annihilate the distance, and make the freemen of Maine, and Oregon, Florida and California immediate neighbors."

This legislature also memorialized congress for the construction of a "national central railroad from some eligible point on the Mississippi or Missouri river to San Diego, San Francisco, Sacramento, or Astoria," or other points on the Pacific coast; and called attention to their own ability to be of service in such an undertaking by being so situated as to amply supply the builders of said road with materials and provisions for a considerable portion of the route."

The reasons set forth in this Memorial for the construction of the proposed transcontinental railroad are so convincing, and grasp the advantages to accrue to the nation in such statesmanlike spirit, that I offer no apology for quoting them at length:

"Your memorialists respectfully state, that the immense emigration to, and from the Pacific, requires the immediate attention, guardian care, and fostering assistance of the greatest and most liberal government on the earth. Your memorialists are of opinion that not less than five thousand American citizens have perished on the different routes within the last three years for the want of proper means of transportation; that an eligible route can be obtained, your memorialists have no doubt, being extensively acquainted with the country. We know that no obstruction exists between this point and San Diego; and that iron, coal, timber, stone, and other materials exist in various places on the route. * * * Your memorialists are of opinion that the mineral resources of California, and these mountains, can never be fully developed to the benefit of the people of the United States, without the construction of such a road; and upon its completion, the entire trade of China and the East Indies will pass through the heart of the Union; thereby giving our citizens the almost entire control of the Asiatic and Pacific trade; pouring into the lap of the American states, the millions that are now diverted through other commercial channels: and last, though not least, the road herein proposed, would be a perpetual chain, or iron band which would effectually hold together our glorious Union with an imperishable identity of mutual interest; thereby consolidating our relations with foreign powers in times of peace, and our defense from foreign invasion by the speedy transmission of troops and supplies, in times of war.

The earnest attention of congress to this important subject is solicited by your memorialists, who, in duty bound, will ever pray. Approved, March 3, 1852."

Successive legislatures continued to memorialize congress on the subject of the telegraph line and the railroad until they became accomplished facts.

These Memorials for national highways, transcontinental telegraph lines, and railroads, in each case pleading as a reason for their construction the uniting of the people of a common country, by the development and preservation of "an imperishable identity of mutual interests," to result in, as they believed, the preservation of the national Union, must give effective contradiction to those who affirm that the policy of the church leaders among the Latter-day Saints was one of designed isolation of their community from their fellow citizens, and unfriendliness for, and independence of, the general government of the United States.

THE INDIAN WAR OF 1853

The period being covered by this chapter had its Indian troubles, culminating in what is known as the "Indian War of 1853." The immediate cause for the commencement of hostilities was the unfortunate interference of a white man in an Indian family row, near Springville. An Indian was beating his squaw, according to Indian custom when displeased with them, when a Mr. Ivey, angered at the brutal incident struck the Indian who died from the effects of the blow, but not until he reached the Indian encampment of Chief Walker and his brother, Arapeen, on Peteetneet Creek at the mouth of a canon above the settlement of Payson, in Utah county. An immediate attack was planned against Springville, but the inhabitants being warned and on their guard, it was not made. The next day, however, Arapeen and a number of Indian braves having visited Payson, in an apparently friendly spirit, and after having partaken of a meal hospitably provided for them, as they were leaving the town, shot and instantly killed the guard on duty, Alexander Keele. They then rode on and reported to Walker what had occurred; whereupon the Indians broke camp and fled up Peteetneet canon firing upon a number of settlers living along the line of their retreat, and the war was on. The casualties of this war are here summarized from the Deseret News published at the time:

"On the 19th of July the Indians attempted to surprise the settlement on Pleasant Creek, in the north part of San Pete county, and stole horses and cattle at Manti and Nephi. On the 20th the guard at Nephi was fired upon. On the 24th Clark Roberts and John Berry were wounded at Pleasant Creek, while on their way to Provo, in charge of an express. On the 23rd Colonel Conover who had been sent from Provo on the 19th with a command of a hundred and fifty men in pursuit of the Indians, sent forth a scouting party which encountered a band of 20 or 30 Indians near Pleasant Creek, and killed six of them. On the night of August 10th a party under Lieutenant Burns, encamped on Clover Creek, was attacked, and one of them wounded, several animals being lost. On the 17th four men, who were hauling lumber near Parley's Park, east of Salt Lake City, were fired upon and two of them killed."

Again:

"On September 30th, four men on their way to Manti with ox teams loaded with wheat were killed and mutilated at Uintah Springs. Oct. 2nd, eight Indians were killed and others captured in a skirmish at Nephi. Oct. 4th, two `Mormons' named John E. Warner and William Mills were killed at the gristmill near Manti."

By this time the Indians seemed to have tired of the war, and on the 28th of November, Ammon, brother of Walker, came into Parowan, in southern Utah, to sue for peace in behalf of Walker and his band, and had an interview with Erastus Snow and F. D. Richards on that subject. The formal peace meeting, however, did not take place until May of the following year, when Governor Young, with a number of leading brethren visited the southern settlements; and the Indians who had engaged in the troubles of the past summer coming from their mountain retreats, met with him on Chicken Creek, in Juab county, one hundred and nine miles south of Salt Lake City, and a peace settlement was effected. Among the chiefs met with were Walker, Grospene and Washear (generally known as Squash-head). "All the natives met with," says the chronicle, "even to the distant Piedes, rejoiced exceedingly at the visit and were highly pleased with the words and counsel of the `Big Captain of the Whites' who are settled in Utah."

Orson F. Whitney, in his History of Utah, relates the following incident of the peace council, which illustrates the temper of both whites and Indians at that time; the one, conciliating, forbearing; the other sullen, proud, offended at trifles--the child nature of the savage:

"An incident occurred at this very meeting [the peace meeting on Chicken Creek], which though apparently of little moment, had its ill effect not been at once retrieved, might have led to more trouble. The two parties sat facing each other from opposite sides of a teepee in which the council was held, and the presents brought by the governor were being distributed. Among the gifts was quite a quantity of tobacco. This, General Wells was asked to dispense to the assembled braves. He did so taking the sack which contained it and tossing to each of the warriors a plug of the compressed weed so delightful to the senses of most savages, and, it may be added, of most civilized men as well. The general's action, though not meant to offend, was very displeasing to the dignified Ute chieftain. His eyes blazed with anger, and he refused to lift his piece of tobacco from where it lay. Some one directed his attention to it, whereupon he remarked that he was not a dog to have a present thrown at him, like a bone to a cur. General Wells good-naturedly made amends for his oversight, and taking a new plug of tobacco presented it to Walker with a polite bow. The chief's anger was at once dispelled, and the proceedings continued amicably to the close. Walker remarked on this occasion that Governor Young was a big chief, but that he was a big chief, too, and illustrated the principle of their equality by holding up both his thumbs, one as high as the other."

Another incident connected with the pacification of Walker, and one which illustrates the great patience of Brigham Young, and shows the "Mormon" leader at his best, is related in the Journal of Bishop Anson Call, Ms. The bishop was one of the governor's party on the southern journey to the Indians:

"We learned after we arrived at Nephi that Walker and his band were camped within a distance of 15 miles. President Young immediately took his company and visited Walker's camp. After arriving many of the Indians visited us and were apparently glad to see us. The president inquired for Walker. He was told he was in his `wick-e-up.' The president sent for him, he refused to come and said the president must come and see him. The president accordingly went into his wick-e-up, found the chief very surly. This was the first time the president had seen him since the Indian war, yet I had visited him some four weeks before in company with E. T. Benson, Erastus Snow, Mr. Bedell, the Indian agent, Demick B. Huntington, the interpreter, and some others in the company at Fillmore, the place appointed to make a treaty of peace, which treaty we accomplished, smoked the pipe of peace and went through all the Indian ceremonies in making treaties--as Walker stated, to his entire satisfaction--with about 50 of his men; we ate and drank together and parted. When President Young entered Walker's tent the chief requested him to leave and return in about an hour and perhaps he would have the spirit. If he did he would talk with him. The president accordingly left and returned at the time appointed. The president asked the chief what ailed him. He said that one of his children was very sick. He then began to beat the mother of the child. The president stopped him and reprimanded him severely and asked why he abused his squaw in that way. He answered him that he did not want the child to suffer alone. Walker told him that he was not ready to talk with him nor he should not be till he knew whether the child would die or live, and he must not leave with his company until he knew, and if the child died somebody had to die with it and he did not know whether it would be some of his men or some of the `Mormons;' also some horses. He said the child was to have company and some horses to ride. The president then took the child and administered to it and left the wick-e-up and told him (Walker) that he would return to the wick-e-up and the child would be better. The president accordingly returned and found the child better. Walker became satisfied that the child was going to live. He was friendly and had a talk with the president who made him and his men presents of shirts, blankets and ammunition. Walker and his men traded horses to our company. Next morning about 11 o'clock we left Walker's camp, stayed the next night on the Sevier river. The day following we arrived at Fillmore."

THE LARGER REASONS FOR THE UTAH INDIAN WAR OF 1853--INDIAN SLAVERY

One remarkable thing about this Indian disturbance of 1853 is the extent of territory over which it extended--from Iron county in the south to Summit county, east of Salt Lake City, in the north, a distance north and south of over two hundred and fifty miles, and along the whole line of white settlements. It seems to be altogether too general to arise from a circumstance so local as that in which it apparently had its origin. The fact is that the incident at Springville of the white man interfering with an Indian beating a squaw, and unfortunately producing his death, was not the real cause of the war, but merely a pretext for beginning hostilities which were inevitable under the operation of influences then at work, and the temper of the red men. It had been the custom among the Utah Indians for the stronger tribes to kidnap the children of weaker bands, sell them to Mexicans to be carried into New Mexico, and even to Mexico itself, where they were sold into slavery. An editorial in the Deseret News of November the 15th, 1851, takes notice of three several parties of traders in San Pete county engaged in this dastardly business. The parties were operating under licenses signed by James S. Calhoun, governor and superintendent of Indian affairs in New Mexico, authorizing the holders to "proceed to the Salt Lake country in the territory of Utah, for the purpose of trading with the Utah Indians in said region." There were about twenty members in each of the three parties, one of which was headed by one Pedro Leon. They were attempting to exchange horses for Indian children and fire arms. The News editorial above quoted gave warning against this unlawful traffic, saying that "the purchase and removal of Indian children from Utah territory to any other state or territory, or the removal of Indian children without purchase to any other territory by such means or process as appears to have been contemplated by said men [Leon, et al], is kidnapping in the eyes of the United States law and ought to be treated so in any United States court."

Governor Young's message to the territorial legislature dated January 5th, 1852, also dealt with this subject. He calls attention to the fact that the practice of purchasing Indian children for slaves, carried on by traders in New Mexico and California, had of late years been extended into the limits of Utah. "This trade," he remarks, "I have endeavored to prevent; and this fall, happening to encounter a few of them [i. e. the slave traders] in my travels [viz., the Leon parties], as superintendent of Indian affairs, strictly prohibited their further traffic. The majority of them appeared satisfied [i. e. with the governor's directions and instructions]; and, after making a few exchanges of property in the settlements, returned to their own country. Unfortunately, however, a few of them determined to carry on their nefarious traffic; they have been arrested and are now on trial in this [Salt Lake] city."

BRIGHAM YOUNG ON SLAVERY

"It is unnecessary perhaps for me," continues the governor, "to indicate the true policy for Utah in regard to slavery. Restrictions of law and government make all servants; but human flesh to be dealt in as property, is not consistent or compatible with the true principles of government. My own feelings are that no property can or should be recognized as existing in slaves, either Indian or African."

In his message to the legislature which convened in December, 1853, following the outbreak of that year, Governor Young again alludes to this slave traffic in Indian children, and assigns the pernicious influence of the slave traders upon the minds of the Indians as the cause of the Indian troubles. Repeating his account of stopping the Leon parties in their traffic in Indian children the governor charges that the slave traders had poisoned the minds of the Indians against the white settlers of Utah, by representing that they had not accorded the Indians a sufficient compensation for their lands; that the settlers' stock should be as free to them as the game upon the mountains; that the settlers would not allow them to trade off their children as was their custom previous to the whites settling among them. In proof that these representations had an effect upon the minds of the Indians the message proceeds to point out the fact that in making their annual visit to the Indian agent that year, some of the Indians "manifested a turbulent spirit; and although aiming to conceal it, plainly showed that they had been tampered with, and that their feelings were very different than upon former visits."

Subsequent events proved these to be the facts in the case, the governor held, "for the Indians had no sooner left the stronger settlements than they began hostilities."

Editorial comment of the Deseret News on the occasion of the breaking out of hostilities in July also calls attention to the unfriendly spirit of Chief Walker for a year past, saying:

"It is well known to the residents of this territory that the Indian Chief Walker has been surly in his feelings and expressions at divers times and places within our borders for more than one year passed, and that he has repeatedly endeavored to raise an excitement and open war out of small pretexts that in former times he would have smiled at."

The suppression then of the slave trade among the Indian tribes of Utah, and the evil counsels and influence of the slave traders among them, as a consequence of that suppression, may be set down as the cause of the Indian disturbances above recounted, and not the unfortunate Springville incident.

THE KILLING OF CAPTAIN JOHN W. GUNNISON

The saddest incident connected with the Indian troubles of 1853, was the massacre of Captain John W. Gunnison and a number of his men on the Sevier river in Millard county, some distance northeast of Sevier Lake. This massacre, however, was in no way connected with the general hostile movement of the savages in Utah that year, nor in any way related to the cause producing that war. It stands an incident wholly by itself, the result of a California emigrant company's folly, and the Indian traditional law of vengeance. Captain Gunnison, it will be remembered, served with Captain Stansbury's company of topographical engineers in the survey of Salt Lake and Utah Lake, in 1849-50. He was also the author of The Mormons, a very just and creditable work from the viewpoint of one knowing the story of the Latter-day Saints, as also their personal and community virtues, but not convinced of the truth either of the origins of their faith or of the correctness of the philosophy or the religion of the New Dispensation.

Gunnison was now in command of a government party of topographical engineers, making a survey of one of the proposed routes for a transcontinental railroad to the Pacific, this particular route being known as the "Central Pacific Railroad Route." During the summer the surveys had been completed through the Grand and Green river valleys, and in the latter part of October the party with its small military escort arrived in the Pauvan valley, and made camp about six miles from Fillmore. Gunnison went into Fillmore to purchase supplies for his command, where he met Bishop Anson Call, with whom he had formed pleasant relations on his former sojourn in Salt Lake City, where now it was Gunnison's intention to go into winter quarters, as soon as he could make the journey.

While visiting with Bishop Call that gentleman told the captain, by way of warning, the emigrant Indian episode referred to above, which in brief is as follows: a few weeks before Gunnison's arrival a company of emigrants passed through Fillmore bound for California, under the leadership of a Mr. Hildreth. Hearing of the Indian outrages perpetrated in the territory, and their own camp having been fired upon the night before, some of the emigrants swore they would kill the first Indian who came to their camp. Bishop Call remonstrated with them for making such declarations, and informed them that some of the Indians were friendly disposed towards the whites. He referred to a small band of Indians then encamped at Meadow Creek, a few miles south of Fillmore, as being of this class; it was their custom to visit emigrant camps to trade and beg, but the emigrants need have no fear of them, and Bishop Call asked that these Indians be not molested. The day following this conversation the emigrant company camped on Meadow Creek in the vicinity of the Indians, and no sooner was camp formed than Moshoquop, the Pauvan war chief, with his father, and Mareer, and several others of the band rode into the emigrant camp and wanted to trade buckskins for tobacco, etc. Whether it was fear of the Indians that prompted their action or a determination to carry out their silly threat made at Fillmore, may not now be determined, but the emigrants surrounded the Indians and undertook to disarm them. Naturally the Indians resented this effort and one of them in the melee thrust an arrow shaft into the breast of an emigrant, whereupon the emigrants opened fire with their revolvers and several of the reds were wounded, one of whom, the father of Moshoquop, the war chief, died the next day.

The band of Indians a few days later, making threats of revenge, moved northwesterly--it was afterwards learned--to a distance of about twelve miles north of Sevier Lake, and several miles west of the Sevier river.

BISHOP ANSON CALL'S JOURNAL ACCOUNT OF THE MURDER

On hearing this recital Captain Gunnison "expressed deep regret," and remarked, "the Indians are sure to take their revenge;" a remark which arose from the captain's knowledge of the Indian character and their law of vengeance. Gunnison at Fillmore, finding himself so near the Sevier Lake, resolved to explore that region, and divided his command for the double purpose of exploring the lake and at the same time examining the canon of the Sevier river. Gunnison took charge of the lake exploring party, consisting of himself, Mr. R. H. Kearn, topographer of the party; Mr. J. Creutzfeldt, botanist; William Potter, (whom Beckwith describes as "an experienced, cautious, and resolute citizen of Manti," Utah), as guide; John Bellows, an employee; a corporal and six army privates--twelve in all. The main body of the command was left with Captain Morris and Lieutenant Beckwith of the engineers to follow up the Sevier and examine the canon through which it passed into the Pauvan valley.

DETAILS OF THE MASSACRE

It was expected that Gunnison's task would occupy two days. On the evening of the first day of the separation the Gunnison party encamped under a willow-covered embankment on the Sevier, as a protection from the keen wind of the region in that season of the year. "The usual vigilance of night guards was maintained," says Lieutenant Beckwith--who succeeded Gunnison in charge of the surveying expedition--"each of the party in turn performing that duty." At the break of day the whole camp was aroused, and while engaged at breakfast preliminary to a projected early start, a number of rifle shots and a flight of arrows startled the camp. Beckwith's account states that but one man was killed in this opening assault; and as Captain Gunnison rushed from his tent he raised his hands and called to his assailants that he was their friend. "But this call was of no avail, the deadly fire was continued." The result was that the captain and seven of the party were killed outright; all except the corporal and three privates who had made their way to the horses in the melee, mounted and escaped. The corporal was the first to reach the main camp and deliver the awful intelligence of the massacre. A company under Captain Morris immediately proceeded to the scene of the tragedy where they arrived late in the afternoon and found the bodies of their comrades dismembered and horribly mutilated, even beyond savage custom. All night they stood near the scene of the massacre holding their horses by the bridles hoping that if any of Gunnison's party had escaped and were still in the vicinity, they would make their way to their fires. They left the next morning without interring the remains, a Christian and kindly office afterwards performed by Bishop Anson Call, about ten days later; all were buried on the site of the tragedy except Captain Gunnison and Mr. Potter, the guide, whose remains, so far as they could be identified, were carried, the former to Fillmore, the latter to his home at Manti.

Commenting on this sad event the News editorially, in the same impression containing Lieutenant Beckwith's account of the tragedy, says:

"We feel to commiserate deeply with the friends of those who have been so suddenly and unexpectedly cut off, but more especially with the wife and children of Captain Gunnison, who was endeared to us by a former and fondly cherished acquaintanceship, in 1849-50, while he was engaged with Captain Howard Stansbury in the survey of the Great Salt and Utah Lakes. And we take this occasion to bear tribute to the memory of Captain Gunnison, as a gentleman of high and fine-toned feeling, as particularly urbane in his deportment to all, and as an officer having few equals in the service, in the strict, accurate, energetic, speedy, intelligent, persevering performance of duty under any and all circumstances.

And in an editorial postscript, following its account of the belated burial of the bodies, this is added:

"It may be well to remark in addition, that the massacre on the Sevier was entirely unconnected with the late Indian difficulties, but was the direct result of the foolish, and reckless conduct of a party of emigrants from the states, on their way to California by the south route, who killed a Pauvan Indian on Corn Creek, and wounded two others, not long since; hence followed the Indian rule of revenge on the next American party found on their grounds. A more perfect history of the whole affair will be given hereafter."

Naturally the Indians were reticent upon the subject of this massacre, and it was not until after many years had elapsed that anything like a complete account of the part taken by individual Indians in the affair could be ascertained.

In later years it became known that Moshoquop, planned and led the attack, to avenge the death of his father, and he was followed by about twenty Indians who had left Meadow Creek threatening vengeance after the unfortunate incident with the emigrants bound for California.

In March, 1855, the Indians who were supposed to have murdered Captain Gunnison were brought to trial before Judge Kinney's court, in the second judicial district at Nephi. "The jury brought in a verdict of manslaughter against three of the Indians, who were sentenced to three years' imprisonment in the penitentiary."

A large band of Indians interested in the progress of the trial were encamped in the vicinity of Nephi, and to give the court security against any uprising of the savages, Colonel Steptoe, whose command of about two hundred men en route for California had wintered in Salt Lake City, detailed a company of United States soldiers for that purpose.

ANTI-"MORMON" MISREPRESENTATION OF THE MASSACRE

I have given this incident at greater length perhaps than its importance really warrants. My reason for going so far into detail is, that the plain history of the event might be a refutation of the charge that the "Mormons" were guilty of the crime. This charge was first made by Judge Drummond in a letter accompanying his resignation as United States judge in the territory of Utah, and has been reiterated by many anti-"Mormon" writers. "In this instance," says Bancroft, "not only is there no valid proof against them, but there are many circumstances pointing in the opposite direction, one of them being that among the slain was a Mormon guide [Potter]. The Gunnison massacre was brought on by Gentiles. It was the direct result of killing of the Pah Ute by California emigrants. As no compensation had been made to the tribe, they avenged themselves, as was their custom on the first Americans--for thus they termed all white men other than Mormons--whom they found in their territory."

A better witness than Bancroft, however, is Lieutenant Beckwith, who succeeded to the command of Gunnison's surveying party, and completed the work assigned to that officer. In his report to the government, he writes:

"The statement which has from time to time appeared or been copied in various newspapers of the country, since the occurrence of these sad events, charging the `Mormons' or `Mormon' authorities with instigating the Indians to, if not actually aiding them in, the murder of Captain Gunnison and his associates, is, I believe, not only entirely false, but there is no accidental circumstance connected with it affording the slightest foundation for such a charge."

THE CHIEF EVENTS IN INDIAN WAR OF 1853

Returning now to the main events of this "1853 Indian War," it remains for me to say that the policy of Brigham Young in that and all other subsequent events involving dealings with the Indians is of very great interest. Upon the outbreak of hostilities there was prompt action on the part of the Utah county militia for the protection of the settlements. The day following the flight of the Indians from the vicinity of Payson to the mountains, a hundred and fifty men were equipped, and mounted at Provo, who started under command of Colonel Peter W. Conover for the southern settlements to warn them and assist in their defense, and likewise to make aggressive war upon the Indians. Other forces were mustered into service under the direction of George A. Smith, and sent to the aid of the settlers. On the 21st of July, Governor Young issued a general order through Lieutenant General Wells, of the Nauvoo Legion, directing that the policy heretofore urged, of constructing forts in the settlements and occupying them, be adopted and rigidly enforced; that commandants of the various military districts cause all the forces in their respective commands to repair immediately to their posts in their various settlements, and put the same in a state of efficient defense. Those in small, outlying settlements, in exposed districts, were to be brought into the large settlements and given protection, and provision made for corraling and guarding the stock; Colonel Conover, and Majors Markham, and Boyce, who had begun a rather vigorous aggressive warfare upon the Indians, were ordered to bring their present expedition against the Indians to a close, and retire to their respective districts. "We wish it to be distinctly understood," says the order, "that no retaliation be made, and no offense offered, but for all to act entirely on the defensive until further orders; but be particular in ascertaining the person, tribe or name of every Indian offending, and forward the same to this office that it may be known who they are." The policy was to put the respective settlements in such a state of efficient defense, and have the stock so amply protected that the Indians would find attacks upon the settlements futile. "General Orders, No. 2" assigned the command of all military districts of the territory south of Salt Lake City to George A. Smith, with instructions to strictly enforce the measures of "Order No. 1," and to see that all surplus stock was driven to Salt Lake City. His authority was so absolute that it amounted to placing the portion of the territory designated under martial law. In carrying out his instructions Colonel Smith was ably seconded by Lieutenant Colonel Wm. H. Kimball, who, on the 22nd of July, had been ordered south by the governor to aid the settlers in the exposed districts.

Under the vigorous administration of Colonel Smith and Lieutenant Colonel Kimball, the settlements of the south were soon placed in a condition of reasonable security. In some cases I think their performances were unique. The houses then existing in southern Utah were chiefly of logs, and where isolated they were taken down and brought into the settlements protected by forts. In several instances the houses of whole settlements were taken down and hauled to the large settlements. This was the case with what was called the "Shirts' Settlement," and the "Johnson Settlement," both near Cedar Fort. The settlement of Harmony, south of Cedar, consisting of eight houses, was loaded up bodily and carried to Cedar Fort by a detail of twenty-six teams. By adopting this vigorous defensive policy both life and property were conserved, the settlers' crops secured, and the Indians as effectively defeated as if an aggressive, spectacular war had been urged upon them.

THE INDIAN POLICY OF GOVERNOR YOUNG IN ACTION

Governor Young took every occasion to let the Indians know that he intended to be their friend. Chief Walker he pitied. That leader of the red men was hemmed in on all sides. His aggressiveness in leadership had aroused enemies on every hand; his past raids into California had made it impossible for him to go there; and on the north, among the Shoshones, he had many enemies, and was now making war upon his best friends. "How many times have I been asked in the past week," said President Young, in a public meeting, [July 31, 1853], "what I intended to do with Walker. I say let him alone severely. I have not made war on the Indians, nor am I calculating to do it. My policy is to give them presents, and be kind to them. Instead of being Walker's enemy, I have sent him a great pile of tobacco to smoke when he is lonely in the mountains. He is now at war with the only friends he has upon this earth, and I want him to have some tobacco to smoke."

Brigham Young's policy towards the Indians has been much discussed, and from time to time made a subject of controversy. I here give his own statement of it, as found in his message to the legislature of December 11th, 1854:

STATUS OF UTAH INDIANS

"Peace with the Indians has been preserved during the year, although detached parties of the Utahs have been found unfriendly, which in one instance resulted in their killing two of our citizens. The perpetrators of this crime were brought in by other Indians and delivered up to the United States authorities, before whom they had a fair trial, were found guilty of murder, and executed according to law, the Indians themselves giving testimony against them.

It has required the greatest forbearance and patience, as well as large amounts of presents on the part of our citizens, to maintain amicable relations with them. In some few instances they have presumed upon the forbearance shown them, and conducted themselves very improperly and abusively to the people. The pacific policy which has, from the beginning, been exercised toward them, has no doubt avoided many collisions which might have resulted in open war.

Although large quantities of beef, flour, clothing, guns, ammunition, etc., have been given them to conciliate and make them friendly, yet the savage propensities of their natures, their improvident and vile gambling habits of life are such that no present supply, no matter how generous, remains long with them; and their indolence precludes any idea of their replenishing from their own resources. * * * Much has been done by the inhabitants, since their residence among the Indians of the mountains, to ameliorate their condition. They were found to exist in the lowest state of degradation--poor, ignorant, indolent, and savage. In their anger, nothing restrained them, but fear, from the greatest excess of crime. They would sell and gamble away their own children, and steal from and rob other Indians of theirs, either to sell, gamble away, or kill, as their humor seemed to suit them. A horse or gun was deemed an equivalent for killing a man: and every shade of difficulty became a matter of barter for pecuniary consideration. The settlers have invariably given them provisions and clothing, furnished them with guns and ammunition to kill game, and in various ways administered to their relief. In many places grain has been raised for them, and houses built for their chiefs and principal men.

This policy has had a tendency to correct their vile habits and propensities, and sometimes induces them to labor for their own support. * * *

I have uniformly pursued a friendly course of policy towards them, feeling convinced that independent of the question of exercising humanity towards so degraded and ignorant a race of people, it was manifestly more economical and less expensive, to feed and clothe, than to fight them. * * * In many of the southern settlements, already, the Indians have become useful in labor and business, and quite a number of Indian children are found living in families, who have taken them to bring up and educate. So far as my knowledge extends in relation to the subject, such children have had the benefit of common schools; this blessing is secured to them by the operation of law."

THE INCIDENT OF SARPY'S POINT--GRATTAN'S BLUNDER

In marked contrast to this humane and enlightened policy of Governor Young's towards the Indians, may be placed the harsher policy of others, which finds something of illustration in the following incident of the same period, recorded in Governor Young's manuscript History:

"Aug. 19th, 1854. At Sarpy's point, eight miles east of Laramie, while a company of saints was passing a camp of Indians, about one thousand strong, a lame cow belonging to the company, became frightened and ran into the Indian camp where she was left. Some of them killed and ate her, which circumstance was reported at Fort Laramie. Lieutenant Grattan, with twenty-seven soldiers and an interpreter, repaired to Sarpy's point to arrest the Indian who killed the cow, but he refused to give himself up. The lieutenant then ordered his men to fire upon the Indians which they did. The Indians then charged and routed the soldiers, who were all killed but one, who was dangerously wounded. The Indians, highly excited, demanded of James Bordeaux, living there, what stores he had, which, to save life, he surrendered to the amount of two thousand dollars. They then went to the post of the American Fur Company and pillaged it for nearly fifty thousand dollars worth of goods. And all this for the killing of an old cow!"

The above statement of President Young is confirmed by Bancroft in his History of Wyoming:

"A Mormon emigrant complained at the fort that one of the band of Wahsahshe Sioux, who sustained but a bad character, had killed, and caused to be eaten, one of his cows. Fleming sent Lieutenant Grattan, a young Vermonter, late from West Point, to take the offender in charge, an errand of so delicate a nature that only a mature and discreet officer should have been entrusted with it. There had been no attempt on the part of the Indians to conceal the act, which Bear, the head chief, had himself reported at the post, but apologized for the rascal, saying he had shot the cow in a fit of anger at his lack of success in hunting, and after it was killed it might as well be eaten.

It would not do, however, to establish such a precedent, and Grattan was ordered to take twenty-eight men and two howitzers, the Indians being numerous and well armed, and bring this Indian to the fort. He proceeded to the camp of Bear, nine miles away, and finding strenuous objections offered to the arrest, and that the Indians were attempting with sullen and angry demeanor to surround him, ordered a volley to be fired. The chief fell, mortally wounded, and one of his braves was killed. Immediately the Indians returned the fire Grattan ordered the cannon discharged, but being too elevated they inflicted no injury on the enemy. In another moment the command was closely hemmed in by enraged savages, and soon all lay dead and mutilated, except one man, who escaped in a dying condition to the fort, unable to give an intelligent account of the battle.

Thus perished the greater part of the garrison of Fort Laramie in the summer of 1854, which was the commencement of a long and costly war with the Sioux."

GOVERNOR YOUNG'S INDIAN POLICY APPROVED

The policy of Governor Young received hearty endorsement in many quarters. Dr. Bernhisel, Utah's delegate to congress, in a public address, in Salt Lake City, June 17, 1854, reported that United States Senator Chase of Ohio said of Brigham Young--"that no governor had ever done so well by the Indians since William Penn, as Governor Young."

CHAPTER XCVI

MISCELLANEOUS EVENTS, 1851-7 (CONT'D): "WALLED CITIES"--OFFICIAL ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE PLURAL MARRIAGE DOCTRINE--MISSIONARY PERIODICALS

One of the effects of the Indian war of 1853 was to make of Utah a land of "walled cities," or of forts. The settlements of those days were either entirely walled in, or some portion of them, that was called "the fort." Even Salt Lake City was at least partly walled in; not perhaps so much from any necessity for it, as for the effect of example in inducing other settlements that were in danger zones to "wall up," or "fort up."

THE WALL OF SALT LAKE CITY

The bishops of the ecclesiastical wards of Salt Lake City met with the city council on the 23rd of August, 1853, and reported all their wards as being "unanimous for walling in the whole of the city, with a good ditch upon the outside of the wall." It was decided to build it of mud to be taken from the proposed ditch, mixed with straw, or hay, and gravel, and laid up in courses, each as deep as the consistency of the mud would allow, and when dried to be repeated until a wall of sufficient height was finished. It was decided to make the wall six feet thick at the bottom, to be carried up with an equal slope on each face to six feet high, where it would be two and a half feet thick; thence to be carried up at that thickness six feet higher, and rounded at the top. The wall though never completed entirely round the city, was about six miles in extent. The walls of other settlements of this period were similar in construction.

In addition to this city wall building, it was designed to inclose by a stone wall the site of the "University of Deseret" on the east bench, one mile square; and in May, 1852, Brigham Young reports that 135 rods of stone wall had been erected at a cost of $8,255.

THE TEMPLE SQUARE WALL

To the same wall-building period belongs the erection of the wall around temple square, the only fragment of the wall-building period, that now (1930) survives the ravages of time, an expanding city, and the long-since wrought changes from frontier conditions. The temple square wall was begun on the 3rd of August, 1852, and completed about two years later. It is ten feet high. The foundation and coping are of dressed, red sandstone. The main body of the wall and pillasters, of which there are thirty on each side, are of adobies, plastered with hard cement.

STRENGTHENING THE SETTLEMENTS

Another thing resulting from this Indian war of 1853 was the strengthening of the settlements at some distance from Salt Lake City. At the October conference of that year, Elders Geo. A. Smith, Erastus Snow, and Franklin D. Richards, of the council of the twelve were called to select fifty families and go with them to strengthen the settlements in the far south--in Iron county; also fifty families to strengthen Fillmore; Wilford Woodruff and Ezra T. Benson, of the same council, were called to take fifty families and strengthen the settlements in Tooele county; Lyman Stevens and Reuben W. Allred, fifty families for each of the settlements in San Pete; Lorenzo Snow of the council of the twelve to take fifty families to Boxelder county; Joseph L. Heywood, fifty families to Nephi, in Juab county; Orson Hyde to raise a company to make a permanent settlement on Green river, near Fort Bridger.

It will be seen from the above that a number of the leading men recently prominent in foreign mission fields, were now called upon to lead in strengthening the home colonies; and a new and unconscious aristocracy arose in the colonies of the Latter-day Saints in those days--an aristocracy of service.

Elsewhere representing the service of such men as those above alluded to I have said: "Never have a people been more blessed with unselfish leaders than the Latter-day Saints. Men blessed with divine insight and power have given their services, practically without remuneration, for the welfare of their people. They have labored in season and out of season for them. They have given not only a teaching service, tending to make the truth clear, but they have given freely of their business ability, executive and judicial abilities. Men of statesmanlike quality of mind, have devoted their lives to their people, and practically without earthly reward, and many of them, the most of them, in fact, have died poor in this world's goods, but rich in the consciousness of service for fellowmen well performed. I write these words from the midst of a people, who, when they read them will think of hundreds of men who have lived and wrought out life's service among them, in the very spirit here described."

PUBLIC ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE DOCTRINE OF THE "PLURALITY OF WIVES"

It is time now to turn from these secular matters to developments of another sort and more especially affecting the church. In 1852 came the public and official announcement of the doctrine and practice of plural marriage. It was made at a special conference of the church held at Salt Lake City on the 28th and 29th of August. The conference was not called specifically to make that announcement, so far as appears from the minutes of the proceedings. Indeed, the explanation is made in the minutes that the conference was called a month earlier than usual in order to make it a more convenient season for the elders who were to leave Salt Lake valley for their missions to the world, one hundred and eight being designated by the conference to go to various nations. Then in the forenoon of the second day, Elder Orson Pratt, in opening his remarks stated that quite unexpectedly he had been called upon to address the people that forenoon, and still more unexpectedly to address them upon the subject that evidently had been announced--"namely, a plurality of wives." He then proceeds with a lengthy discourse upon the subject of this feature of the marriage system of the New Dispensation, already discussed in a previous chapter of this History. "We shall endeavor to set forth before this enlightened assembly," said the speaker, "some of the causes why the Almighty has revealed such a doctrine, and why it is considered a part and portion of our religious faith. And I believe they will not under our present form of government (I mean the government of the United States), try us for treason for believing and practicing our religious notions and ideas. I think, if I am not mistaken, that the Constitution gives the privilege to all the inhabitants of this country, of the free exercise of their religious notions, and the freedom of their faith, and the practice of it. Then, if it can be proven to a demonstration that the Latter-day Saints have actually embraced, as a part and portion of their religion, the doctrine of a plurality of wives, it is constitutional. And should there ever be laws enacted by this government to restrict them from the free exercise of this part of their religion, such laws must be unconstitutional."

This paragraph was preceded by a denial of the supposition that the doctrine was accepted by the saints "to gratify the carnal lusts and feelings of man." "That," said the speaker, "is not the object of the doctrine." The discourse is devoted to the central thought that marriage is ordained of God for the legal perpetuation of the race, that men might, in the way ordained of God, fulfill the divine injunction "to be fruitful and multiply and replenish the earth, and subdue it;" and the chief justification urged for establishing the doctrine of a plurality of wives was, that under the restriction and limitations under which the principle was to be practiced, it would give the opportunity to righteous men and women to have "a numerous and faithful posterity to be raised up and taught in the principles of righteousness and truth."

In the afternoon President Brigham Young gave an account of the preservation of a copy of the revelation originally given to Joseph Smith--already considered in a previous chapter --and predicted the ultimate vindication of the truth of the principle involved.

TIMELINESS OF THE ACTION

It was time this action was taken. The church owed it to frankness with the world to make the official proclamation; for many were in doubt in respect of knowing what course to pursue. It had been a matter of wide knowledge within the church for some time that such a principle was believed in and practiced by many of the leading elders; and yet none to whom this knowledge had come, felt at liberty to make proclamation of the doctrine, neither was it their prerogative to do so; and in the absence of an official announcement it had become a source of embarrassment. Justice to the women involved in the system, moreover, no less than candor with the world, also required this official proclamation; for their standing must have become equivocal had it been much longer delayed.

EFFECT OF THE PROCLAMATION

As to the effect this proclamation had upon the work in general men will differ in their opinions. That at the first it gave the opponents of the work great advantage, may not be doubted; for from every foreign mission came reports of increased opposition resulting in many cases in mob violence. Indeed the reports of the "run-a-way officers"--"Brocchus, Day and Brandebury," and their charge of the practice of plural marriage in Utah, now confirmed by the official proclamation of the doctrine and the practice of it, became the chief weapon in the hands of the opponents of the New Dispensation. From the islands of the sea; from Denmark, Sweden and Norway; from distant India as well as from England and the United States came reports of opposition and of increased persecutions ostensibly justified because of the church's announced belief in the doctrine and practice of plural marriage. The great number that were excommunicated from the church in 1852-1853 is generally referred to as indicating the effect of the official proclamation of this doctrine to the world. This, however, is not fairly presented by the opponents of the church. An appeal is generally made to the statistics of the church in the British Isles in proof of the disastrous effects of the announcement:

"The statistical reports of the mission in the British Islands--June 30th, 1853--show that the enormous number of seventeen hundred and seventy-six persons were excommunicated there during the first six months of the preaching of polygamy. * * * The entire church then numbered, men, women, and children over eight years of age, 30,690. There were forty `seventies,' and eight `high priests,' from Utah, in Britain at that time, carrying with them a powerful personal influence to help the saints to tide over the introduction of this doctrine. These Utah missionaries were aided by a native priesthood of 2,578 elders; 1,845 priests; 1,416 teachers; 834 deacons; and yet no less than 1,776 recusants were excommunicated. That tells its own tale.

That all these persons withdrew from the fellowship of the Mormon church on account of polygamy would be an unfair inference. Still, doubtless polygamy was the great contributing cause of apostasy."

Had Mr. Stenhouse consulted the statistical report which ended the 31st of December, 1852, the six months previous to the period he appeals to, and which could not possibly have been affected by the proclamation, because knowledge could not have reached England in time to produce any effect on the statistics of that period, he would have found that the excommunications were reported to be 2,164; that the church membership was practically the same; and that to teach the truth and guard the church from evil the ministry from Utah and the native priesthood were practically as strong in the one period as in the other. Six months still further back,--the statistical report ending June 1st, 1852--would establish the same thing, only that the excommunications for the period--the church membership and the "guarding priesthood" being practically the same--were even greater than in the six months noted by Stenhouse, namely, 1,795, as against 1,776. Taking the period six months later than the one cited by Stenhouse, and when the bad effects from the proclamation of the plural marriage doctrine, if any, would have been more pronounced than in the first six months following it, and the excommunications were fewer than in the first period of six months; viz., for the six months ending December 31st, 1853, 1,413, as against 1,776, noted by Stenhouse, the total membership of the church in the British Isles and the guarding priesthood was not widely different.

It is evident, then, that there were no disastrous effects from the proclamation of the plurality doctrine so far as any material increase in the number of excommunications shows. The membership of the church through the period considered before and after the proclamation of the doctrine remained practically constant, the variations in total membership, baptisms, and emigration fluctuating in about the same manner before as after the proclamation.

It may be said by way of accounting for the very numerous excommunications during the period considered, that it was a time marked for its severity of discipline. Neither evil nor the appearance of it was tolerated; and the procedure as to excommunications was often summary and attended with little formality. Only the proper exercise of a little more of the Christian virtues of patience and charity would doubtless have materially reduced the number expelled from the church in these years; but those were the days of fiery zeal, and impatience against those who did not attain, by a single bound, to the realization of Christian ideals of the New Dispensation.

MISSION PUBLICATIONS--"THE SEER"

The proclamation respecting the plural marriage principle may be said to have inspired the church with renewed determination and larger effort at propaganda. Orson Pratt was sent to Washington to publish a periodical in advocacy and defense of the faith including the newly proclaimed plurality doctrine. This periodical Elder Pratt called The Seer, "in commemoration of Joseph Smith, the Seer of the last days," he explained in the Prospectus, issued December 21st, 1852. The first number of The Seer came from the press in January, 1853, and continued through one year and a half, frankly and boldly setting forth the doctrine of the church on the subject of marriage and all related doctrines.

Elder Pratt also took a hall in Washington--"Temperance Hall"--and delivered about twenty lectures "upon subjects pertaining to the Kingdom of God." "So few attended," however, "that he was obliged to close for want of hearers."

JOHN TAYLOR PUBLISHES "THE MORMON"--NEW YORK

Elder John Taylor, in less than a year after Elder Pratt's departure for Washington, was sent to New York on a similar mission to that of Elder Pratt's. He published The Mormon. It was a handsome, royal, twenty-eight columned weekly. It had a very striking and significant heading, filling up at least one-fourth of the first page. It represented an immense American eagle with outstretched wings poised protectingly above a beehive, and two American flags. Above the eagle was "an All-seeing Eye" surrounded by a blaze of glory, and the words: "Let there be light; and there was light."

The Mormon office was situated on the corner of Nassau and Ann streets, with the offices of the New York Herald on one side, and those of the Tribune on the other. Elder Taylor was thus in the very heart of Gotham's newspaper world. Selecting such a stand is evidence enough that he did not intend to assume a shrinking or apologetic attitude.

During the more than two years and a half that The Mormon was continued in existence it was a most fearless advocate and defender of the faith, including the plurality doctrine. In an early number of The Mormon, its editor said:

"We have said before, and say now, that we defy all the editors and writers in the United States to prove that `Mormonism' is less moral, scriptural, philosophical; or that there is less patriotism in Utah than in any other part of the United States. We call for proof; bring on your reasons, gentlemen, if you have any; we shrink not from the investigation, and dare you to the encounter."

BITTERNESS OF THE NEW YORK PRESS--TAYLOR'S BOLDNESS

Stirred by this bold challenge the New York Mirror denounced "Mormonism" as "an immoral excrescence," that was "allowed to spring up and over-top the Constitution itself." "Why," inquired the editor, a Mr. Fuller--"Why are there no public meetings convened in the tabernacle to denounce Mormonism?" To this Elder Taylor in The Mormon replied: "We are ready to meet Mr. Fuller in the tabernacle on this question at any time. We court investigation and have nothing to hide." Mr. Fuller did not accept the challenge. The New York Herald was bitter in its attacks upon "Mormonism" and the saints in Utah. It proposed that a meeting be called in Tammany Hall and that the ministers of the several churches should expose the absurdities and wickedness of the "Mormon" system. Elder Taylor promptly announced his willingness to meet those ministers in such a gathering, and defend both the character of the saints and their doctrine. The meeting was not called. The ministers of the several churches were not fighting "Mormonism" that way. The New York Sun was in the field against "Mormonism" and behind none of its contemporaries in the bitterness of its attacks. So bitter indeed was the press generally that the Woman's Advocate deplored the lack of charity manifested in the discussion of the Utah question. In 1855, through a combination of extreme drought and plague of grasshoppers the people of Utah were threatened with famine. The press of the east hinted that if the famine came that might be the solution of the Utah question! It was at this point that the Woman's Advocate spoke out against the lack of Christian charity.

It seems almost incredible that such should be the attitude of the eastern press, but in proof that such was its attitude, I quote from the Advocate's article, as copied in full into The Mormon. After giving at length the reports of the prospective famine in Utah, the Advocate then said:

"We need not be surprised if we learn next spring that thousands have perished miserably of starvation. In view of this alarming condition of many thousands of our countrymen and countrywomen we might reasonably expect to witness some manifestation of sympathy in a portion, at least, of the numerous newspapers which publish the accounts of the damage the crops are sustaining. But not one word is spoken anywhere of regret or sympathy; on the contrary there are frequent manifestations of satisfaction that the problem of Mormonism and its destiny is likely to be settled by the grasshoppers. What little comment we have noticed here and there has a tone of delighted chuckle that chills the blood. There is a spirit of murder in it, a suppressed shout of triumph of the persecutor over his victim, that is suppressed only because the triumph is not yet sure."

In the midst of these hard conditions The Mormon, with such boldness and an ability that could but command respect, maintained the cause of the Church of the Latter-day Saints and the political rights of the people of Utah to local self-government.

To the above suggestion of the Woman's Advocate that there was a lack of charity in the discussion of "Mormon" affairs, and an ill-concealed rejoicing in the prospect of a solution of the Utah question by the calamity of famine, the New York Sun replied:

"As to the alleged want of sympathy it is enough to say that there has yet been no appeal for help from Utah. If an appeal were made in the name of humanity, the degrading and disgusting doctrines of Brigham Young, and others of the priesthood, promulgated as articles of faith, would not hinder the American people from responding to it."

To which Elder Taylor with some warmth answered:

"The Sun says there has been no appeal from Utah for help. An appeal for help indeed! They have called for their own, but their rights have been continually withheld, though your statesmen owned their cause was just. And shall they now ask charity for those that robbed and despoiled them of their goods and murdered their best men? We have been robbed of millions and driven from our own firesides into the cold, wintry blasts of the desert, to starve by your charitable institutions, and shall we now crave your paltry sixpences? Talk to us with your hypocritical cant about charity! Pshaw! It's nauseating to every one not eaten up with your corrupt humbuggery and pharisaical egotism. You forget you were talking to Americans, born upon the soil of freedom, suckled in liberty, who have inhaled it from their fathers' lips--sons of fathers who fought for rights which you, in your bigotry and self-conceit, would fain wrench from them. Intolerance has thrice driven them from their homes, but the wild burst of liberty of `76 now reverberates through the mountain passes of Utah, bidding defiance to mobocracy and its leaders; and hurling mock charity and pretended patriotism back to the fount of corruption from which it issues. The `Mormons' neither need your sympathy nor your cankered gold. Your malicious slanders only excite contempt for those base enough to utter them. Your contemptible falsehoods fail to ruffle a feather in our caps. * * * The God of Jacob in whom the `Mormons' trust--he who brought up Israel out of Egypt--he it is who sustained the `Mormons' in their tedious journeyings over the barren deserts and wild mountain passes of this continent. In the dark hour of trial, amid all their distresses, without friends or home--God upheld and sustained them; he sustains them still, and will cause them to shine forth with the bright radiance of eternal truth over the wide world, long after their malicious slanderers shall have sunk to oblivion in the filth of their own corruptions."

This boldness in rejoinder to all opponents reminds one of the tone of Tertullian's defense of the early Christians. Of him it is said: "His was not the tone of a supplicant pleading for toleration. He demanded justice." So with Elder Taylor and The Mormon.

ERASTUS SNOW FOUNDS THE "ST. LOUIS LUMINARY"

A periodical was also established at St. Louis, edited by Elder Erastus Snow, the St. Louis Luminary. This was a twenty column folio sheet, weekly, and was designed to do the same work in the western states that The Seer and The Mormon were doing in the east, viz., advocate and defend the faith, and maintain the rights of the Latter-day Saints both in Utah and throughout the country. The Luminary, however, only continued in existence a little more than a year, its prosperity being interrupted by the migration of more than two thousand of the saints from the western states to Utah, which migration was directed by the editor of the Luminary, from where it rendezvoused at "Mormon" Grove, near Atchison, Kansas.

GEORGE Q. CANNON ERECTS THE "WESTERN STANDARD"

Somewhat later, yet belonging to this same period of Latter-day Saint history, the Western Standard was founded early in 1856, at San Francisco, California, by Elder George Q. Cannon, then a young man who had attracted attention by a very successful mission among the natives of the Hawaiian Islands, and into whose language he had translated the Book of Mormon. The Western Standard was a twenty-four column, royal folio weekly, which continued its existence a little more than a year and a half, its publication being brought to a close by the outbreak of the "Utah War," of 1857. The Standard was ably edited by Elder Cannon, who possessed a very pleasing literary style, wide knowledge, and a sound understanding. The Standard marked a distinct advance in "Mormon" periodical literature.

Three of these four periodicals--The Mormon, the St. Louis Luminary and the Western Standard, were similar in form and general character, all weeklies, and all published in advocacy and defense of the faith of the New Dispensation. All reproduced from the Deseret News, published at Salt Lake City, the messages to the legislature, official proclamations, and correspondence of Governor Young; also many of his public discourses, delivered in his capacity of president of the Church of the Latter-day Saints, as also the discourses of other prominent elders of the church. In these matters there was great frankness. Much that was said in the warmth of enthusiasm, and under irritation produced by a felt sense of injustice exercised towards the saints, and the lively recollections of injuries received in the past, and threatened evils for the future, much--even too much, is likely to be the verdict of history--of this class of matter was reproduced in the "Mormon" periodicals at New York, St. Louis and San Francisco; and even in the Millennial Star and Journal of Discourses, published in Liverpool, England, during this period. A perusal of these periodicals will effectually refute the notion, so generally prevalent, that one kind of "Mormonism" is preached in Utah and another in the world. A more prudent policy, perfectly justifiable, too, would have declined to reproduce some ill-natured, and some ill-advised utterances that represented a passing vexation, a moment of overzeal, an excited, temporary enthusiasm, rather than the real and settled principles, or the habitual attitude of mind of the Latter-day Saint Church leaders, respecting many of the subjects discussed at the time and under the conditions referred to above.

The impetus given to missionary work and the founding of foreign missions in the memorable activities of 1849-50 was continued in the period now under consideration.

MISSIONS

(a) Hawaiian Islands: In 1850-51, a mission in the Hawaiian Islands was established which has been continuous and one of the most successful missions of the church, many thousands of its native population having accepted and been faithful to the New Dispensation of the gospel. The mission that first went to the islands numbered ten in all. They were sent to these islands under the authority of Elder Charles C. Rich of the council of the twelve apostles,--then presiding in California. Five of the mission, including the president, Elder Hiram Clark, soon became discouraged and left the islands; the other five remained, and preached to the natives with great success. The first branch of the church was organized in 1851 at Kula upon the Island of Maui by Elder George Q. Cannon, who also translated the Book of Mormon into the Hawaiian language, which subsequently was published in San Francisco, in 1855.

In 1851 a second group of elders was sent to the islands, three in number, Philip B. Lewis, Francis A. Hammond and John S. Woodbury. The first two were accompanied by their wives, and sister Woodbury shortly afterwards also joined her husband. Elder Lewis was appointed to the presidency of the mission.

There was some opposition to the work of the elders by representatives of other churches, and this for a time checked the progress of the work, more especially as the natives were not prepared then to endure the opposition and persecution for religious convictions. "The missionaries,"--that is of other churches--wrote Elder F, A. Hammond, some time after his arrival on the islands, "succeeded in putting a stop to our labors, but the government gave their full consent to our laboring here, and the United States consul took an active part in getting granted to us the same rights as the other denominations, since which time the work has been increasing rapidly and we now number about six hundred members upon all the islands, four hundred and fifty of them upon this island (i. e. Maui): we baptized about two hundred and fifty since Christmas, and the work is still going ahead."

From that time on the mission among the natives has been quite uniformly successful.

(b) South America--Chile: In February, 1851, Elder Parley P. Pratt was called and set apart by the presidency of the church "to a mission to open the door and proclaim the gospel in the Pacific Islands, in Lower California, and in South America. In this capacity he arrived on the Pacific coast in March. It was under his appointment and authority that the second group of elders were sent to the Hawaiian Islands carrying with them from the apostle a letter of introduction to his majesty, King Kamahamaha, at the time the reigning monarch of those islands. Elder Pratt also wrote Elder Addison Pratt in charge of the work in the Society Islands announcing his own presidency over all the islands and coasts of the Pacific, and urged Elder Addison Pratt to send elders to the Friendly Islands and to other groups as rapidly as circumstances would permit; also announcing his own intention of sending elders to New Zealand, and Van Dieman's Land; and also announced his intention to visit Chile in South America. Elder Pratt afterwards went to Chile, accompanied by his wife and Elder Rufus Allen. The mission took up their residence in Valparaiso, where they remained several months; and resided about one month forty miles in the interior. But owing to a revolution then in progress in Chile, the restriction of the laws as to religious freedom, but little could be accomplished and the mission returned to California in May, 1852.

(c) Australia and New Zealand: In his capacity of president of the Pacific Coast and the Islands of the Pacific Mission, Elder Pratt sent Elders John Murdock and Charles W. Wandell to Australia. This mission landed at Sidney on the 31st of October, 1851. By January, 1852, they organized a branch of the church in Sydney and published a periodical called Zion's Watchman. The branch at Sidney was organized on the 4th of January, 1852, with thirteen members; and these by March following were increased to thirty-six. Of the one hundred and eight missionaries called at the special conference of the church held at Salt Lake City in August, 1852, nine were sent to Australia, and some of these extended the mission work of the church to New Zealand and Tasmania, then called Van Dieman's Land, and continued the publication of Zion's Watchman. The Australian and New Zealand Mission has been continuous since that time, and especially fruitful of converts among the natives of New Zealand.

(d) Other Missions: Of the other missions founded, or of the effort to found them in this period, the church historian, George A. Smith, records the following, and all of the missions here mentioned were appointed from the special conference at Salt Lake City, held in August, 1852, the conference at which the doctrine of plural marriage was announced.

"Prussia--In January, 1853, Elders Orson Spencer and Jacob Houtz arrived in Berlin, Prussia, but found that it was impossible to preach or publish the truth of the latter-day work in consequence of religious intoleration. These elders wrote to the king's ministers of public worship for permission to preach but were immediately summoned before the police court and catechised as to the object of their mission. They were ordered to leave the kingdom next morning, under penalty of transportation.

Gibraltar--Elders Edward Stevenson and Nathan T. Porter arrived at Gibraltar in March, 1853, and were immediately summoned to appear before the police and established their right to remain on the `Rock.' Elder Porter was required to leave, but Elder Stevenson, having been born there, maintained his right to remain, but the governor forbade his preaching `Mormonism.' He, however, remained over a year and baptized several, amidst threats, prohibitions and constant opposition. He also endeavored to open up the work in Spain, but was not permitted by the authorities.

Hindustan--Elders Nathaniel V. Jones, Robert Skelton, Samuel A. Woolley, William Fotheringham, Richard Ballantyne, Truman Leonard, Amos Milton Musser, Robert Owen and William F. Carter arrived in Calcutta and held a conference there April 29th, 1853. The Hindustanee missionaries extended their labors throughout India, as the way opened; but finding the Hindustanees destitute of honesty and integrity, insomuch that when converted and baptized they would for a few pice join any other religion, and finding the Europeans so aristocratic that they were hardly approachable, they left the country, after having traveled to all the principal [British army] stations in India, where frequently they were ordered out of the cantonments and had to sleep in the open air, exposed in that sickly climate, to poisonous reptiles and to wild beasts. Elder William Willes, from England, had traveled up the Ganges, and visited Simla, and Elder Hugh Findlay, from the British Mission, labored in Bombay and the adjacent country."

THE MISSIONS OF INDIA

I interrupt this series of quotations from the church historian's compilation of data respecting the founding of these missions, to say that there is nothing more heroic in our church annals than the labors and sufferings of these brethren of the mission to India. In the main they journeyed to the British army cantonments, and sought a hearing among the English officers, soldiers and camp followers. This method of procedure in fulfilling their mission took them to many parts of the interior of the great land of the east, but as their message was but indifferently received by the English at the British garrisons, they turned to the natives into whose country they had penetrated, but with little success, except in the coast towns, and even here the work among the natives could not apparently be established on any permanent basis because of the instability of the native character. Finally, in 1855, the mission in India, for the time being, was closed by President Brigham Young calling upon the elders sent to that land to return home, bringing with them as many oftheir converts as had means for the journey, and who could be induced to come. Nathaniel V. Jones was the president of this mission from the time of his arrival in March, 1853, to the closing up of the mission, and conducted its affairs in a very honorable and dignified manner.

The church historian's compilation of missionary data is now continued:

OTHER MISSIONS IN THE FAR EAST

"China--Elders Hosea Stout, Chapman Duncan and James Lewis reached Hong Kong, China, April 27th, 1853, but owing to the revolution spreading through that country, they were unable to go elsewhere [i. e. in that country]. The inhabitants told them that they had not time to `talka' religion. The way soon opened for them to return to San Francisco, which they did in August.

Siam--The missionaries sent, in the fall of 1852, to Siam, finding it impossible to ship thither from San Francisco, accompanied the Hindustanee missionaries to Calcutta, where, in consequence of the war in Burmah, they learned that the overland route to Siam was interrupted, whereupon Elders Chauncey W. West and Franklin Dewey concluded to go to Ceylon, and Elders Elam Luddington and Levi Savage to Siam, by way of Burmah.

Ceylon--The Ceylon missionaries encountered much opposition, partly caused by the circulation of a large number of tracts from Europe containing misrepresentations. * * * At Galle the newspapers advised the people not to receive `Mormon' missionaries into their houses, lest they should become partakers of their evil deeds, which counsel was implicitly obeyed. The missionaries had an introduction to a gentleman living at Columbo, seventy miles distant, and proceeded thither * * * On their return they passed through thirty-seven towns, and witnessed the immoral practices and social degradation of the inhabitants. They visited high and low, priests and people, but they would neither open their doors for preaching, nor feed the missionaries.

Elder Savage remained in Burmah nearly two years, without being able to establish a branch. Elder Luddington proceeded to Bankok, Siam, where he was stoned and rejected.

South Africa--In 1853, Elders Jesse Haven, William Walker and Leonard I. Smith arrived at the Cape of Good Hope. The first three meetings held in Cape Town were broken up by rioters. Elders Smith and Walker went into the country, where they obtained a foothold and commenced to baptize. Elder Haven remained and preached amid much opposition, and raised up a branch of the church. Elder Walker proceeded to Fort Beaufort and baptized several. Elder Smith labored around Fort Elizabeth and organized a small conference.

West Indies--Elders Aaron F. Fan, Darwin Richardson, Jesse Turpin and A. B. Lambson landed at Jamaica, in the West Indies, January 10th, 1853. They called upon the American consul, Mr. Harrison, who advised them to hire a hall and announce public preaching, as the laws extended toleration to all sects, which they accordingly did; but a mob numbering one hundred and fifty persons gathered around the building, and threatened to tear it down were these `polygamists,' as they termed the elders, permitted to preach therein. Unless the elders could give security for the price of the hall the landlord objected to their holding meetings. The elders informed him that they were not there to force their principles, upon the people--to quell mobs, nor to protect property, but to preach the gospel of Jesus Christ to those who were willing to hear it. The elders got away from the island safely, though while they remained they had to run the guantlet, and two of them were shot at by a negro.

British Guiana--Elder James Brown and Elijah Thomas, missionaries to British Guiana, shipped from San Diego, California, to Panama, thence to Chagres and Aspinwall. From the latter port, unable to ship for British Guiana, they embarked for Jamaica. After conferring with the West India missionaries, they concluded to embark with them for Barbados, being still unable to ship for the point of their destination. After paying their passage they were not allowed to proceed thither; the prejudice was so great against the elders that the harbor agent or naval officers would not allow them to be shipped to any English island. As the only alternative they proceeded to New York with the West India missionaries, where they all landed in February, 1853, and labored in the United States, except Elder Darwin Richardson, who went to England and labored there.

Malta Mission; The `Floating Branch;' `The Expeditionary Force Branch:' In 1853, Elder James F. Bell was sent from England to Malta, where several were baptized. Upon the breaking out of the Crimean war, the interest in the work was broken off, still a few of the soldiers in the British regiments that landed there obeyed the gospel. There originated from this mission three branches of the church, viz., one in Florianna, Malta, a second, called the `Floating Branch,' in the Mediterranean, which consisted of sailors belonging to her majesty's ships the Bellerophon, Trafalgar, Vengeance and Britannia; a third, the `Expeditionary Force Branch' in the Crimea; the latter consisted of brethren belonging to the 30th, 41st, 93rd and 95th British regiments. A few of the members of these branches lost their lives in the Crimean war."

REFLECTIONS ON THE MISSIONARY WORK OF THE CHURCH

Thus did the Church of the Latter-day Saints in these years--1853-1855--seek to fulfill the initial obligation given to that church in the very opening of the New Dispensation, namely, to preach the gospel of the kingdom to every nation, and kindred, and tongue, and people. And if the numerical and financial strength of the church be taken into account, or rather its weakness in these respects be taken into account, and if the circumstance of the location of the saints in an undeveloped and comparatively isolated country in the mountain interior of America be also considered, the splendor of this missionary spirit, and the wonder of the journeys of these missionaries to such distant lands, and their achievements in the face of all the hardships and hindrances to be endured and overcome--if all this be considered, it will render these missionary enterprises the most wonderful manifestations of Christian zeal and enthusiasm--the largest and most earnest service undertaken, within the same space of time, for God and man, since the days of the apostles of the early Christian church.

Moreover, the record of these missionary movements should correct a false impression respecting the missionary work of the Church of the Latter-day Saints. It is quite commonly supposed that the only missionary work done by said church is that of proselyting from Christian sects; that it attempts no original conversions from so-called heathen peoples. The enumeration of its missionary labors among the natives of India, Siam, Burmah, Ceylon, China, the West Indies; also, and with more success, among the American Indians, the Hawaiians, and New Zealanders, in the early years, here considered; and later in Tahiti and Samoa, as also in other groups of the Pacific, and in Japan--all this should be successful refutation of this false charge.

CHAPTER XCVII

MISCELLANEOUS EVENTS, 1851-7 (CONT'D)--CALAMITOUS INCIDENTS--"THE SAINTS SHALL HARDLY ESCAPE"

At a public meeting in his own house, at a time when the refugee saints, sick and poverty stricken from the Missouri expulsion, were bivouacking on the

Mississippi at the place which afterwards became Nauvoo, Joseph Smith spoke, and in the course of his remarks explained the uselessness of preaching to the world about "great judgments," and urged rather that the "simple gospel be preached to the world." He also explained "that it is a false idea that the saints will escape all judgments, whilst the wicked suffer; for all flesh is subject to suffering and `the righteous shall hardly escape.'" "Still many of the saints shall escape," he continued, "for the just shall live by faith. Yet many of the righteous shall fall a prey to disease, to pestilence, etc., by reason of the weakness of the flesh, and yet be saved in the kingdom of God. So that it is an unhallowed principle to say that such and such have transgressed because they have been preyed upon by disease or death, for all flesh is subject to death; and the Savior has said, `judge not that ye be not judged.'"

The saints, then, the church of Christ itself, in the light of this doctrine laid down by the Prophet, may not hope to escape misfortune, sickness, accidents, death; what I here call calamitous events; and in this chapter I propose to group together a number of such events occurring in the period of the church history now being considered.

THE CYMBACK DAMP EXPLOSION

The first of these events is a disaster in a coal mine at Cymback, near Merthyr Tydfil, Wales, in May, 1852, occasioned by a fire damp explosion, in which sixty-nine men were killed, nineteen of whom were members of the Church of the Latter-day Saints.

THE SALUDA DISASTER

Another disaster of the same year was the blowing up of the steamboat, Saluda, on the Missouri river near the town of Lexington, in the state of Missouri. The Saluda had about one hundred and seventy-five passengers on board, ninety of whom were Latter-day Saints under the leadership of Elder Eli B. Kelsey, en route for Utah. The Saluda left St. Louis on the 30th of March, 1852; and as she drew near to Lexington she met a mass of floating ice, which detained her at the Lexington wharf for several days. After the ice floe was past and the steamer was getting up steam to round a point above Lexington, the engineers allowed the boilers to get dry and red-hot, and as the engines started the pumps forced the cold water into the boilers, and the explosion occurred which burst the boilers to atoms, and the boat sank within ten minutes. The exact number of the killed and wounded is not definitely known, but is given by the Lexington Express, extra, of April 13th, as "about one hundred." Only twenty-six bodies of the killed were recovered.

Elder Kelsey, in charge of the company, and ten other leading brethren had left the boat some distance below Lexington in order to purchase cattle for the journey across the plains, and hence escaped the disaster. The people of Lexington, notwithstanding that town was in the region of Missouri where the saints suffered the bitterest persecutions but a few years before--1838--exerted themselves most nobly for the relief of the wounded; and they also gathered up for interment as many of the dead as could be recovered. Within a few hours they subscribed $1,000 for the relief of the destitute; and many among the wealthiest of the citizens opened their houses to receive the wounded, and themselves became their nurses. The steamboat Isabel, also en route up the river, witnessed the explosion, and halted to render assistance. Captain Miller of the Isabel generously offered free passage with free provisions, etc., to Council Bluffs, to the survivors; and quite a number availed themselves of the generous offer, and in three hours after the explosion had resumed their journey. Captain F. T. Belt of the Saluda was among those who were killed.

CHOLERA OUTBREAK EN ROUTE TO ZION

The emigration of the saints from England and some parts of continental Europe in 1854, suffered greatly from cholera on the journey up the Mississippi river, and at their encampment on the Missouri preparatory to starting upon the overland journey across the plains. They were detained upon the frontiers longer than usual, and the banks and bayous and river bottoms of the Missouri, where encampment was made, generated deadly miasmata. The Scandinavian contingent of the emigration suffered most, losing one hundred and fifty out of a company of seven hundred. The sickness which was general with all companies, and all classes of emigrants along the Missouri that season, began to abate as the camps moved away from the river. The amount of sickness while traveling up the Mississippi in this season's emigration led to changing the port of entry for the Latter-day Saint emigration from New Orleans to Boston, and New York. It has already been noted in these pages that as far back as 1851 the presidency of the church was convinced of the necessity of obtaining a different route of travel for the saints than the one via New Orleans and the Mississippi river; and instructed the president of the British Mission to investigate the feasibility of a route via the Isthmus of Panama, or Tehauntepec, thence up the Pacific coast to San Diego; that if practical the emigration might by the new route avoid "three thousand miles of inland navigation through a most sickly climate and country." At that time a change of route was decided not to be feasible.

WRECK OF THE JULIA ANN IN THE PACIFIC

In 1855, October 4th, the sailing vessel Julia Ann, B. F. Pond, captain, was wrecked on a coral reef near the Sicily Isles in the Society Island group. She had on board fifty-six passengers, twenty-eight of whom were Latter-day Saints bound for Utah, including in the number two American missionary elders of the church returning to Utah, viz., John S. Eldredge and James Graham. Five of the saints perished in the wreck, a Sister Harris, a Sister Humphrey, and three children. The rest of the passengers and the crew succeeded in leaving the reef on a raft constructed from the wreckage and landing on Sicily Isles twelve miles distant where they lived nearly two months, from early in October to the 3rd of December, 1855, subsisting upon small shell fish and sea turtles, while Captain Pond and nine men set off in the ship's quarter boat to seek some inhabited island for help. They first reached Borabora, one of the Society Islands, about two hundred miles from the scene of the ship wreck. Here the relief seeking party divided; the first mate, one of the sailors, and a brother McCarthy going to Mopiti in search of a relief vessel, while Captain Pond and the remainder of the company went to Huahine, also one of the Society Islands, for the same purpose. Here the captain succeeded in chartering the schooner Emma Packer, Captain Latham Master, to go to the rescue of the passengers of the ill-fated Julia Ann. The first mate and his associates were also successful in obtaining relief boats in the form of two small schooners at Mopiti, through the kindness of King Tapoa of that island. Captain Pond, however, arrived at Sicily Isles twelve hours earlier than the party from Mopiti. He took on board the wrecked passengers of the Julia Ann and sailed for Tahiti, where the rescued passengers were treated with great kindness by the inhabitants of that island. "The United Board, or Masonic Lodge," relieved their immediate wants by providing food and shelter for all the shipwrecked passengers, and the American consul provided for the crew. From Tahiti the wrecked company finally embarked chiefly in two groups and arrived safely at San Francisco.

This company of saints was under the leadership of a brother Penfold. The two American elders, Graham and Eldredge returned to Huahine with the rescue schooner, Emma Packer, and thence sailed to San Francisco, where they arrived April 23rd, 1856. Brother John McCarthy, of the second rescue party, returned to Mopiti with the two small schooners secured for the rescue service. He remained some time at Mopiti where he baptized the king's interpreter and ordained him an elder and through him preached the New Dispensation to the natives who received his message with much favor. From Mopiti he went to the Island of Riatea, where he preached and converted a Spaniard by the name of Shaw, ordained him an elder, and thence went to Tahiti, whence he sailed for San Francisco, where he arrived on the 14th of April, 1856.

A CAPTAIN DEVOTED TO DUTY

Captain Pond of the wrecked Julia Ann was evidently a very efficient officer and a noble man. It was the intention of the captain to sail south of Sicily Isles and the reefs extending on the southwest of the island, but by subsequent observation, it was ascertained that the true position of the Sicily Isles was sixteen miles from the place indicated on the marine chart, and to this fact and the fierce storm raging at the time the wreck was due, and not to any lack of efficiency in the vessel's commanding officer. As evidence of his interest in his passengers and his regard for human life, as against the saving of material treasure, it is only necessary to say that while getting the passengers on shore from the wreck, Mr. Owens, second mate of the vessel, was observed to be carrying a bag containing eight thousand dollars belonging to the captain. Captain Pond ordered him to set down the money bag and instead carry a little girl ashore, which he did. The girl was saved and the money lost. This act with his subsequent work for the rescue of his wrecked passengers proclaim him a most worthy captain and an honorable gentleman.

CHAPTER XCVIII

MISCELLANEOUS EVENTS, 1851-7 (CONT'D)--HANDCART IMMIGRATION DISASTER

Another disaster to be recorded within the period here considered is one connected with the "handcart immigration."

ORIGIN OF THE "HANDCART IMMIGRATION" IDEA

This method of emigrating the saints was first suggested by the presidency of the church in their sixth general epistle, addressed "to the saints scattered throughout the earth," and bearing date of September 22nd, 1851. In that epistle great emphasis was laid upon the subject of the saints "gathering to Zion," as may be judged by the following excerpt:

"O ye saints in the United States, will you listen to the voice of `the Good Shepherd'? Will you gather? Will you be obedient to the heavenly commandments? Many of you have been looking for, and expecting too much; you have been expecting the time would come when you could journey across the mountains in your fine carriages, your good wagons, and have all the comforts of life that heart could wish; but your expectations are vain, and if you wait for those things you will never come, * * * and your faith and hope will depart from you. How long shall it be said in truth `the children of this world are wiser in their generation than the children of light.' Some of the children of the world have crossed the mountains and plains, from Missouri to California, with a pack on their back to worship their god--gold! Some have performed the same journey with a wheel-barrow, some have accomplished the same with a pack on a cow. Some of the saints, now in our midst, came hither with wagons or carts made of wood, without a particle of iron, hooping their wheels with hickory, or rawhide, or ropes, and had as good and safe a journey as any in the camps, with their well wrought iron wagons; and can you not do the same? Yes, if you have the same desire, the same faith. Families might start from the Missouri river, with cows, handcarts, wheel-barrows, with little flour, and no unnecessaries, and come to this place quicker, and with less fatigue, than by following the heavy trains, with their cumbrous herds, which they are often obliged to drive miles to feed. Do you not like this method of traveling? Do you think salvation costs too much? If so, it is not worth having. Sisters, fifty and sixty years old, have driven ox teams to this valley, and are alive and well yet; true they could have come easier by walking alone, than by driving a team, but by driving the oxen, they helped others here; and cannot you come the easier way? There is grain and provision enough in the valleys for you to come to; and you need not bring more than enough to sustain you one hundred days, to insure you a supply for the future."

It must have been expected by the brethren at Salt Lake City that many would act upon this suggestion and start in the spring following the publication of the epistle with handcarts as suggested; for Heber C. Kimball in the April conference following pleaded in behalf of those who were coming by that means of migration over the plains, whereupon "ninety-three persons volunteered to go out with their teams to carry provisions and render those on the road assistance."

"I followed upon the same subject," remarks President Young, "when those who had volunteered to go, voted to donate their services." As no such emigration started from the states that year, of course this volunteered help was not needed. Indeed the suggestion of making the overland journey across the plains by handcarts was not acted upon until the year 1856. The necessary definite instructions on this method of immigrating was given in the general epistle of the first presidency of October, 1855, and the following season it was heartily responded to by the saints in Europe.

THE HANDCART COMPANIES OF 1856

"In regard to the foreign immigration another year," (1856), said the epistle, "let them pursue the northern route from Boston, New York, or Philadelphia, and land at Iowa City or the then terminus of the railroad; there let them be provided with handcarts on which to draw their provisions and clothing, then walk and draw them, thereby saving the immense expense every year for teams and outfit for crossing the plains.

"We are sanguine that such a train will out-travel any ox train that can be started. They should have a few good cows to furnish milk, and a few beef cattle to drive and butcher as they may need. In this way the expense, risk, loss and perplexity of teams will be obviated, and the saints will more effectually escape the scenes of distress, anguish and death which have often laid so many of our brethren and sisters in the dust.

We propose sending men of faith and experience, with suitable instructions, to some proper outfitting point to carry into effect the above suggestions; let the saints, therefore, who intend to immigrate the ensuing year, understand that they are expected to walk and draw their luggage across the plains, and that they will be assisted by the fund in no other way."

The immigration that year was unusually large, amounting in all to 4,326 souls; of whom 2,012 were emigrated by the means provided by the Perpetual Emigration Fund Company. The names of the eight ships and the number of saints going with each are recorded. The unusual number emigrated by the perpetual emigration fund, that is to say, means for their emigration was advanced by the company, represented an effort on the part of the church leaders in Utah to bring "to Zion" the worthy though poor saints who had long desired to gather to the body of the church, but had not been able to lay up sufficient means. "I will here repeat my wish and counsel to you," wrote President Young to Franklin D. Richards, president of the European Mission at the time, "that in your election of the saints who shall be aided by the fund, those who have proven themselves by long continuance in the church shall be helped first, whether they can raise any means of their own or not; let those be brought, so long as you can act within the means of the company, if they have not a sixpence in the world, but be wary of assisting any of those who come into the church now, during these troublous times for Britain, whose chief aim and intention may be to get to America." This arrangement which was carried out would naturally and did bring into the emigration of that year many of the aged, the sickly, the feeble, and many with large families of children.

The route of the immigration in the main was via Boston to Iowa City, in the state of Iowa, that being the most westerly railway terminus at the time along the proposed line of travel. Here the handcart companies were fitted out for the journey across the plains. The first two companies led by Edmund Ellsworth and the second by Daniel D. McArthur left on the 9th and 11th of June respectively. These companies as reported on their arrival in Salt Lake City numbered--Ellsworth's: souls, 266; handcarts, 52; McArthur's: souls, 220; handcarts, 44; eight teams were divided between these two companies. A third and smaller company, chiefly composed of Welsh converts, under the leadership of Edward Bunker, left Iowa City on the 23rd of June.

The three companies made the journey to Salt Lake City without serious adventure, or loss, though of course their traveling was attended by the toil and fatigue incident to such a method of migration.

The first two companies entered Salt Lake valley together on the 26th of September. When Governor Young learned of their arrival in the mountains east of Salt Lake City, he took a military escort attended by bands of music and met them at the foot of Little Mountain in Emigration canon and escorted them into the city, where they were cheered and made welcome by the populace that turned out en masse to receive them. They encamped on Pioneer Square, but in a few days had found homes among their kindred and friends in the community. Bunker's company arrived six days later, 2nd of October, also without serious adventure or loss. They had traveled with Captain John Banks' wagon company of immigrating saints.

Commenting on the successful journey of 1,300 miles made by the two first companies, the Deseret News said: "This journey has been performed with less than the average amount of mortality attending ox trains; and all, though somewhat fatigued, stepped out with alacrity to the last, and appeared buoyant and cheerful. They had often traveled 25 and 30 miles in a day, and would have come through in a much shorter time, had they not been obliged to wait upon the slow motion of the oxen attached to the few wagons containing the tents and groceries." Time and distance considered, they had not averaged more than eleven miles a day.

If the curtain could be rung down upon this handcart emigration incident of the year 1856, with the arrival of these three companies in Salt Lake valley, and their dispersion among the people, that method of traveling over the plains might pass without very serious objections, beyond a protest against the hardship of excessive toil involved in it. The successful accomplishment of the journey by these companies demonstrated that such a method of migration was possible rather than feasible. And what remains to be set down involves the whole adventure in a tragedy, making one of the saddest pages in Latter-day Saint history.

THE WILLIE COMPANY THROUGH IOWA

There were two other handcart companies fitted out at Iowa City in that fateful year of 1856, led respectively by James G. Willie and Edward Martin, and numbering in all above nine hundred souls. Their respective journeys are here but rapidly sketched.

The emigrants who made up Willie's company arrived at Iowa City on the 26th of June, and here met their first disappointment--the tents and handcarts, the one to afford them shelter, the other the means of conveying their food and bedding on the journey across the plains, were not, as yet, provided; and in waiting for the manufacture of these necessary things the company was detained until the 15th of July. The journey through Iowa to "Old Winter Quarters," by this time known under the name of Florence, Nebraska, was accomplished in twenty-six days, since they arrived at Florence on the 11th of August and remained there until the 16th. The chief hardship of this stage of the journey was the midsummer heat, the dust; and when heavy rains converted this to mud, the heavy roads. The part of Iowa through which their route passed was then fairly well settled, and from the people of that state they received varied treatment. Sometimes they were met with good-natured badinage, at other times with threats of personal violence. At one point they were overtaken by a sheriff's posse with a search warrant issued by a justice of the peace, authorizing the posse to search to the very bottom of the few wagons for young women, alleged to be tied down in them with ropes. Of course the search revealed no such conditions as were alleged. At Des Moines an act of kindness varied the treatment. A Mr. Charles Good presented Captain Willie with "fifteen pairs of children's boots." There were some few desertions from the company in this first stage of the journey, eight in all--who were persuaded to the step by inducements held out by the people of Iowa--"for the leeks and onions"--is Captain Willie's manner of phrasing it.

WILLIE'S COMPANY AT FLORENCE--SHALL THE JOURNEY BE CONTINUED

At Florence the question of continuing the journey through to Utah, or going into winter quarters on the Elkhorn, at wood river, or some other eligible location in Nebraska, was debated; but it was finally determined to continue the journey, the majority of the leaders in charge, among whom were George D. Grant, Wm. H. Kimball, advance agents of the emigration that season, and Elders Willie--captain of the company of handcart emigrants--Atwood, Savage, Woodward, and John Van Cott, all favored it, except Savage, and the views of the majority of these leaders were accepted by vote at a mass meeting of the emigrants, anxious to get to Zion, ignorant of the difficulties and dangers to be encountered, and willing to trust the judgment of these leaders.

Levi Savage was returning from a more than two years mission in Siam and Ceylon, where he had most earnestly sought under trying circumstances to present the message of the New Dispensation. His action in the above named discussion deserves special mention. To the overzeal, not to say fanaticism, of his brethren, Elder Savage opposed common sense, and his knowledge of the country, both of which persuaded him that a mixed company of aged people, women, and little children, even though it had some strong men in it, could not cross the mountains so late in the season without much suffering, sickness, and death. He advised going into winter quarters; but when overruled, according to Chislett's Narrative, he said: "What I have said I know to be true; but seeing you are to go forward, I will go with you; will help you, all I can; will work with you, will rest with you, will suffer with you, and if necessary, will die with you. May God in mercy bless and preserve us." He lived up to his promise--"no man," says the narrative, "worked harder than he to alleviate the suffering which he had foreseen, when he had to endure it." But it had been represented to these saints in the handcart companies, and, indeed, to all the saints in Europe, that a special providence would attend this method of migration, and hence they would be apt to discredit any warning that might be given concerning dangers that might overwhelm them. "Know ye not," wrote Elder John Jacques, assistant editor of the Millenial Star--"Know ye not that it is the holy ordinance of the Lord revealed through his prophet, Brigham Young, for the redemption of the humble, faithful poor, and that it will be blessed and sanctified of him to the salvation of thousands who are not too proud to be saved in his appointed way, while many who will despise that way will be left to perish in Babylon. The Lord has promised through his servant Brigham Young that the handcart companies shall be blessed with health and strength, and be met part way with teams and provisions from the valley. And I am not afraid to prophesy, that those who go by the handcarts, and continue faithful and obedient, will be blessed more than they have ever dreamed of." Religious enthusiasts imbued with these ideas of blessing and favor, would, of course, vote to continue the journey "to Zion."

WESTWARD HO! INCIDENTS BY THE WAY

The Willie company left Florence on the 19th of August, and began the journey across the plains in earnest. The Cheyenne Indians were bad that season, and the emigrants heard of occasional attacks upon emigrant team-trains, among them of the attack upon Almon W. Babbitt's train, and later of the killing of Mr. Babbitt himself. From the Omaha Indians the handcart company received some kindness, and were able to buy some buffalo meat of them. By the 5th of September the company had made 265 miles west of Florence, but at this point they had the misfortune to lose thirty head of cattle, which they spent two days in searching for, but they were not found; and the journey was resumed with their few teams very much weakened. On the 12th of September they were overtaken by a company of returning missionaries in three carriages and some wagons. The company included Elder F. D. Richards, Daniel Spencer, and C. H. Wheelock, late presidency of the European Mission.

On the 17th of September, while yet on the Platte they had their first frost, "a very severe one." On the 30th they arrived at Fort Laramie--still five hundred miles from Salt Lake City.

On the 1st of October the journey was resumed. Occasionally they met eastward bound parties, among these were Parley P. Pratt and a company of missionaries, bound for the eastern states. That was to be this eminent apostle's last mission, since he fell a victim to assassination in Arkansas about seven months later.

ON RATIONS

At the very start the handcart company had been put upon rations, one pound of flour per day per man, a little less for women, and still less, of course, for children was allowed; and these scant rations from time to time had to be reduced until they were barely sufficient for subsistence. The last reduction left them at 10- oz. for men; 9 oz. for women; 6 oz. for children, and 3 oz. for infants.

On the Sweetwater river they encountered extremely cold weather and severe snow storms; but while disheartened by this circumstance they were cheered by the coming to them of two messengers from the west, driving a light wagon, and bringing the news that a supply train was on its way to meet them, and they could expect to meet it in a day or two; and then the young men drove on to take the same cheering word to Martin's company, and to the wagon trains still further eastward.

THE FIERCE STORMS OF THE SWEETWATER--DEATHS

After the departure of these welcome messengers, however, the snow storms, accompanied by fierce winds, were renewed, until from sheer exhaustion the company sought such shelter in hollows and willow thickets as could be found and awaited the coming of the relief trains. Dysentery broke out in the camp, aggravated by eating the fresh meat that was obtained from killing a few of the broken down oxen. Deaths had been frequent the past few days from exhaustion and cold. Fifteen died in one of the terrible days immediately preceding the encampment above referred to, which was made at Willow Creek on the Sweetwater, and many were frostbitten. The storm that was proving so fatal to the handcart company had also overtaken the relief train, and hindered its progress. Not knowing the absolute destitution of the emigrants, and that they were perishing only a few miles distant, the relief train had gone into encampment, awaiting the arrival of the handcart company or the passing of the storm. Meantime Captain Willie with a single companion, started westward in search of the relief train. He found it; whereupon all possible haste was made to reach the sufferers. It was the evening of the third day after his departure that Captain Willie returned at the head of fourteen well loaded wagons. Their arrival came none too soon, if the camp was to be saved from utter destruction: for the ravages of hunger, dysentery, and exhaustion were threatening the extinction of the helpless emigrants.

CHISLETT'S PICTURE OF REJOICING--RELIEF

Chislett's account of the meeting of the handcart company and the relief train deserves perpetuation:

"On the evening of the third day after Captain Willie's departure, just as the sun was sinking beautifully behind the distant hills, on an eminence, immediately west of our camp, several covered wagons, each drawn by four horses, were seen coming towards us. The news ran through the camp like wildfire, and all who were able to leave their beds turned out en masse to see them. A few minutes brought them sufficiently near to reveal our faithful captain slightly in advance of the train. Shouts of joy rent the air; strong men wept until tears ran freely down their furrowed and sunburnt cheeks, and little children partook of the joy which some of them hardly understood, and fairly danced around with gladness. Restraint was set aside in the general rejoicing, and as the brethren entered our camp the sisters fell upon them and deluged them with kisses. The brethren were so overcome that they could not for some time utter a word, but in choking silence repressed all demonstration of those emotions that evidently mastered them. Soon, however, feeling was somewhat abated, and such a shaking of hands, such words of welcome, and such invocation of God's blessing have seldom been witnessed! * * Among the brethren who came to our succor were Elders W. H. Kimball and Geo. D. Grant. They had remained but a few days in the valley before starting back to meet us. May God ever bless them for their generous, unselfish kindness, and their manly fortitude! They felt that they had, in a great measure, contributed to our sad position; but how nobly, how faithfully, how bravely they worked to bring us safely to the valley--to the Zion of our hopes!"

Mr. Chislett had left the church when he wrote that passage!

Eight of the relief wagons passed on to the camps still further eastward, and six remained with Captain Willie's company.

Fortunately, after reaching the South Pass, and descending into the Green river valley, the weather moderated, more supply wagons were met, some passing on to take the needed relief to the companies still in the rear, and others turning back with Willie's company to give such increased aid and comfort as was still required; and so abundant was the help in the last stages of the journey that most of the toil-exhausted, hunger-weakened emigrants could be taken into the wagons.

This company arrived in Salt Lake City on the 9th of November, and soon received every evidence that they had come among warm-hearted friends. "On our arrival," says Willie's Narrative, "the bishops of the different wards took every person who was not provided with a home to comfortable quarters. Some had their hands and feet badly frozen but everything which could be done to alleviate their suffering was done, and no want was left unadministered to. Hundreds of the citizens flocked around the wagons on our way through the city, cordially welcoming their brethren and sisters to their mountain home. * * * The total number of deaths in this party from Liverpool, was seventy-seven, * * * we had also three births and three marriages on the trip." Nearly all the deaths in the camp occurred after leaving Fort Laramie.

JOURNEY AND SUFFERING OF EDWARD MARTIN'S HANDCART COMPANY

Edward Martin's handcart company, known as the fifth of the handcart companies, and the last of this fateful year, duplicated the experiences of Willie's company, but was attended with even more disastrous results since it was a larger company, and had a larger proportion of women and children and of the aged and feeble, and also had a later start and was detained longer by the mountain storms.

The emigrants that made up Martin's company and the two independent wagon companies of that season, under John A. Hunt and Benjamin Hodgetts, respectively, arrived at Iowa City in the early part of July, but were detained--waiting for their tents and handcarts to be made--until nearly the last of the month. One of the chief contributing causes to the handcart disaster was the frailness of these carts, and the unfitness of the material put into them. They were hurriedly made of unseasoned timber, and so much was sacrificed to lightness that the necessary strength and durability was impossible. The result was that in Martin's company, as also in the companies that preceded it, the breaking down of handcarts--which began a few days after the start was made--and the necessary halting to repair them contributed much to the delay of the journey.

FAULTY STRUCTURE OF THE HANDCARTS

Both Chislett's and Jacques' account agree in this. John Jacques, author of the great Latter-day Saint hymn, "O, Say What is Truth," was a member of Martin's company, and wrote a series of letters to the Salt Lake Herald in 1878 and 1879, describing somewhat in detail the events of the journey. The letters are seven in number, beginning in the Sunday impression of December the 1st, 1878, and appearing in each Sunday impression until Jan. 19, 1879. Elder Jacques had been a very earnest advocate of this handcart method of traveling over the plains, and had sharply reproved some who doubted the feasibility of the plan. "Many of the carts had wooden axles and leather boxes," he writes in his description of them. "Some of the axles broke in a few days, and mechanics were busy in camp at night repairing the accidents of the day." Chislett's account of the carts is that they had to be made at Iowa City while the emigrants were waiting for them. "They were made in a hurry, some of them of very insufficiently seasoned timber, and strength was sacrificed to weight, until the production was a fragile structure, with nothing to recommend it but lightness. They were generally made of two parallel hickory or oak sticks, about five feet long, and two by one and a half inches thick. These were connected by one crosspiece at one end to serve as a handle, and three or four similar pieces nearly a foot apart, commencing at the other end, to serve as the bed of the cart, under the center of which was fastened a wooden axletree, without iron skeins." The wheels were devoid of iron, except that in some of them there was a very light iron tire. The whole weight of a cart was about sixty pounds.

It doubtless will aid in appreciation of the difficulties and even the dangers of the handcart expedition westward if the matter of roughness of mountain roads and altitudes be considered. These are discussed by Jacques as follows: "To give a better idea of the nature of the latter one-half of the journey, I may say that the altitude of Salt Lake is about 4,200; * * * and that of Fort Laramie 100 feet lower. It may also be recollected that the whole of the winter part of this journey was performed at a much greater altitude, beginning at about 5,000 feet at North Platte camp, where the relief express found the company [i. e. Martin's], and never sinking so low again until in Emigration canon near this (Salt Lake) city; but rising at Devil's Gate it was 6,000 feet; near the three crossings of Sweetwater to 7,000 feet; by the South Pass a little higher. From Green river to Bridger about 6,700 feet; on Bear river to about 6,800 feet; in Echo canon, about 6,000; on the Big Mountain, about 7,245, with different ridges and summits which were passed over varying from over 7,000 to nearly 8,000 feet."

The start from Iowa City did not begin until the 28th of July. At first there were two companies organized; one under Martin, the other under the leadership of Jesse Haven, returning missionary elder from South Africa. The two companies numbered nearly six hundred souls. The arrangement to travel in two companies continued until the companies arrived at Florence, Nebraska, which was on the 22nd of August. Here, as in the case of Willie's company, which was but four days departed--the question of venturing upon the journey so late in the season was debated. "Unfortunately," remarks Jacques, "It was determined to finish the journey the same season."

AT FLORENCE--ADJUSTMENTS

Matters were somewhat readjusted at Florence. The two companies were united into one; Edward Martin was continued as captain assisted by Daniel Tyler. Both of them had made the journey with the Mormon Battalion from the Missouri river to the Pacific coast; both of them at first corporals, and afterwards as 2nd and 3rd sergeants, respectively, in Company "C."

The start was made from Florence on the 25th of August. It was the 8th of October when they reached Fort Laramie. Here they remained one day and some were able to exchange and sell watches and other personal effects they could spare for food which they were allowed to purchase from the military stores , at reasonable prices. Soon after leaving Laramie, however, it was found necessary to reduce the daily ration. "The pound of flour was reduced to three-fourths of a pound, then to half, and subsequently yet lower. On the 19th at Red Buttes they met the first severe snowstorm, accompanied by a piercing north wind; that day they had forded the Platte. Two days before, in order to lighten the loads on the carts they had sacrificed much bedding, the need of which they now sorely felt.

On the 28th Joseph A. Young and two companions, with the news of coming supply trains, met them, an event which brought forth "the cheers and tears and smiles and laughter of the emigrants." Two days later they met the promised supplies on the Sweetwater near Devil's Gate. This assured relief, but much of suffering had yet to be endured. From a foot to a foot and a half of snow was on the ground and the cold was intense. The question was discussed as to whether the company should go into such winter quarters as could be provided or push on to Salt Lake. The latter course was determined upon. The freight that could not be taken along was left at this point with three men from the valley, and seventeen from among the emigrants to guard it. Only a small allowance of food could be left them, and because of this the men suffered terribly, and nearly perished of hunger by the time spring opened and relief arrived from Salt Lake valley.

Shortly after leaving Devil's Gate enough wagons were met to carry most of the baggage of Martin's company and some of the people, but the crossing and recrossing of the Sweetwater was a trying ordeal. There were so many who were helpless, or nearly so, that it was difficult to decide who should be taken into the wagons and who should be compelled to walk. "There was considerable crying of women and children," remarks Elder Jacques. "and perhaps of a few of the men, whom the wagons could not accommodate with a ride." "One of the relief party remarked," continues our authority, "that in all the mobbings and drivings of the `Mormons' he had seen nothing like it." C. H. Wheelock (who, it will be remembered, was one of the presidency of the British Mission when this enterprise was undertaken, and who was now returned with the relief party to assist these emigrants, also one of the last who was with the Prophet Joseph at Carthage Prison) could scarcely refrain from shedding tears, and he declared that he would willingly give his own life if that would save the lives of the emigrants.

EPHRAIM K. HANKS--HERO

The men with one group of relief wagons, not yet met by the emigrants, concluded from their long delay in appearing that the rear companies of the emigration had perished in the snow, and were for turning back to Salt Lake; but Ephraim K. Hanks, commonly known as "Eph Hanks," who was connected with the mail carrying service, was determined to ascertain the fate of the emigrants, and accordingly mounted one team horse, and leading another, rode on alone. He met the emigrants while yet on the Sweetwater. He had killed a buffalo--two of them, in fact--and cutting the meat into strips, packed it on the horse he was leading; and this with other buffalo he had killed after joining the company, materially added to the meat supply.

By the time South Pass was reached enough relief teams had arrived to allow of some passing on to help the wagon trains still further back, and at the same time admit of all the emigrants riding in the wagons. The journey now was more rapid. By the 21st of November Green river was reached. On the 28th the company camped on the Weber. Meantime other parties had been at work keeping the road open over the mountain passes east of Salt Lake City. By this time the relief wagons numbered one hundred and four, and the emigrants were welcomed by throngs of people into Salt Lake City, where they arrived on Sunday, the 30th of November.

Every relief that shelter, and food, and clothing, and kindness, and devoted attention could bring to these belated emigrants was accorded them. The usual Sunday morning services were in progress at the "Old Tabernacle" when President Young learned of the approach of Martin's company to the city. In dismissing the congregation that the people might meet the emigrants and care for them, he said:

"When those persons arrive I do not want to see them put into houses by themselves. I want to have them distributed in this city among the families that have good, comfortable houses; and I wish the sisters now before me, and all who know how and can, to nurse and wait upon the newcomers, and prudently administer medicine and food to them. * * * The afternoon meeting will be omitted, for I wish the sisters to go home and prepare to give those who have just arrived a mouthful of something to eat, and to wash them, and nurse them up. * * * Prayer is good, but when (as on this occasion) baked potatoes, and pudding, and milk are needed, prayer will not supply their place. Give every duty its proper time and place. * * * I want you to understand that I desire this people to nurse them up; we want you to receive them as your own children, and to have the same feelings for them. * * * Now that the most of them are here, we will continue our labors of love until they are able to take care of themselves, and we will receive the blessing. You need not be distrustful about that, for the Lord will bless this people."

It was in this spirit that the emigrants were received and waited upon by the people, President Young and his family doing their full share. During his remarks above referred to President Young had said:

"I have sent word to Bishop Hunter that I will take in all that others will not take. * * * I am willing to take my proportion."

The exact number of those who perished in this company is not of record in our official annals; and it is difficult to fix upon any approximate number with certainty. Joseph A. Young coming in from the farthermost companies reported at a meeting in Salt Lake City, on Sunday, the 16th of November, that on meeting Martin's company at Red Buttes on the Platte, 56 deaths were reported up to that time; that, however, was on the 28th of October, and there was yet before the company more than a month of exposure, and toil, and suffering, in the midst of fierce mountain storms. Chislett declares of this company that of the six hundred at starting they "lost over one-fourth of their number by death." "The storm which overtook us while making the sixteen mile drive on the Sweetwater," he writes, "reached them at North Platte. There they settled down to await help or die, being unable to go any farther. Their camp ground became a veritable graveyard before they left." One-fourth of 600, would be 150. Jacques says that exaggerated ideas have been entertained with reference to the number of deaths. His own estimate is that about one in six of the "entire number that left Liverpool in the ship Horizon" died. As that number is listed at 856, Jacques' estimate of those who perished would be 142, or about the same as given by Chislett. Jacques also says that others "who claim to know" put the number of deaths in Martin's company "at about 100; or about one-eighth of the entire number that left Liverpool in the ship Horizon." All things considered the estimate of Chislett and Jacques,--putting their estimate at 145 is perhaps not far from the facts. And these added to Willie's seventy-seven deaths, brings the total of deaths to 222. The number who were frost-bitten was also large, and some were crippled for life.

The wagon companies were also helped in the last stages of the journey. The people of Fort Supply, near Bridger, led by Isaac Bullock, as well as relief teams sent from Salt Lake City rendering them valuable assistance by providing them with fresh teams and supplies of food. All belated emigrants were reported as safely arrived in Salt Lake valley shortly after the middle of December.

The one redeeming feature of this unfortunate incident in Latter-day Saint history was the heroic efforts of the people in Salt Lake valley to save these unfortunate companies of emigrants. Especially is this true of the people in Salt Lake City and county; of Davis county; and latterly of Tooele county. These, because of their accessibility, bore chiefly the burden of the relief work; and there are men whose names deserve a permanent place in history for the activity and heroism then displayed in seeking to save from misery and death large numbers of their fellow men. Among these are--

Joseph A. Young,Thomas Alexander,

Wm. H. Kimball,Ben Hampton,

George D. Grant,Robert T. Burton,

Cyrus H. Wheelock,Charles Decker,

Ephraim K. Hanks,G. G. Webb,

Stephen Taylor,Hosea Stout,

Able Garr,James Ferguson,

Daniel W. Jones,Isaac Bullock,

Joseph Simmons

Others were, of course, equally worthy to be remembered; their risks and services were equally as great as these whose names are here set down; but it happens with nearly all expeditions and enterprises of men that the few only can be specifically remembered in the annals of events. It is reserved to the "Lamb's Book of Life" to perfectly record the names of all who render service to humanity, and these, here unnamed, rank and file of the relief parties, who in that trying and adventurous enterprise of rescuing the storm-bound and starving handcart companies of 1856, can be confident of being registered, and on the page with their names, these words will be written:

"Come ye blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the world; for I was hungered, and ye gave me meat; I was thirsty, and ye gave me drink; I was a stranger, and ye took me in; naked, and ye clothed me; I was sick and ye visited me. * * * Verily I say unto you, inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of these, my brethren, ye have done it unto me."

Of this service, remembrance of which I would perpetuate, President Young said:

"This is what I can say truly, with the rest of your counselors and directors, that no man or woman, that we have any knowledge of in the church, has refused to do as requested with regard to this immigration; they have run by day and night. Our messengers have been traveling from here to the Platte, and back and forth between Bridger, Green river, and the Sweetwater; and scores of men have been riding by day and night, without having enjoyed an undisturbed night's rest, during the last two months, only occasionally snatching a little when sitting by the camp fire. They have been riding by day and night, hurrying to and fro and laboring with their might, and have not refused to do what we have required of them. This is to their praise. Works have been most noble when they were needed. We put works to our faith, and in this case we realize that our faith alone would have been perfectly dead and useless; would have been of no avail, in saving our brethren that were in the snow; but by putting works with faith we have been already blessed in rescuing many, and bringing them to where we can now do them more good."

Nor is this appreciation to be confined to those who braved the storms to carry the relief to the place where it was needed; but it is to be extended also to those who supplied the teams and the food, who by prudent counsels and prompt action conceived the relief plans and prepared the outfits for starting, and who by the consecration and sacrifice of their means made possible the rescue of their brethren from what would otherwise have been inevitable and miserable destruction.

Of course, among the foremost of these were Brigham Young and others of the general authorities of the church then in Utah. O. F. Whitney in his History of Utah writes:

"Many besides those who went to the rescue of these companies would gladly have gone had it been their privilege. None were more anxious in this respect, for none felt more keenly for the sufferings of the unfortunate emigrants, than President Franklin D. Richards, under whose administration in the British Isles the handcart project had been inaugurated. He had arrived home only three days before the relief parties set out. He desired to accompany them and made all preparations to that end, but was called to assist President Jedediah M. Grant and other elders who were just then arduously engaged in carrying on what is known in `Mormon' history as `The Reformation.' Had it not been for this, Apostle Richards would have returned to meet the handcarts, and it is not saying too much, to those who know the man and his great sorrow at the disaster which befell his brethren and sisters on the plains, that could his own life have averted the terrible calamity which overtook them, it would willingly have been given."

Near the close of his circumstantial account of the suffering endured by Martin's handcart company, John Jacques very briefly and temperately discusses the question of "blame" for the disasters that overtook it; and the matter is put so fairly that I quote it here at length: "The question may be asked, whom do I blame for the misadventure herein related. I blame nobody. I am not anxious to blame anybody. I am not writing for the purpose of blaming anybody, but to fill up a blank page of history with matters of much interest. I may say that notwithstanding the serious misfortune of this company, I have no doubt but that those who had to do with the management meant well and tried to do the best they could under the circumstances."

THE MISSIONARY EAST-BOUND HANDCART COMPANY

Doubtless to show the saints in Europe that the brethren in Utah did not shrink from the toilsome method of travel that had been suggested to them, a company of missionary elders numbering 74 men, with 25 handcarts, left Salt Lake City on the 23rd of April, 1857, for the Missouri frontiers, en route for various parts of Europe and the states to preach the gospel.

Following is the description of the departure of this handcart company of missionaries from temple square, published at the time:

"All things being ready, at a quarter before 10 a. m., the company started off in regular order, with as much apparent cheerfulness and unconcern as though they were going to return in the evening, whereas many of them will be gone for years, and all will probably have to pass through trials, and endure hardships, of which the pulling of their carts across the plains will be among the least.

The company consisted of 74 men, with some twenty-five handcarts, and was made up of individuals of nearly every imaginable occupation and pursuit of life: farmers, mechanics, tradesmen, merchants, and clerks--some Americans, some English, Scotch, Irish, Welsh, Panes, Swedes, Norwegians, Germans, and of other nations, were to be seen in the company, which made it an unusually interesting sight. To see such a variety of men, some of them young, some in the prime, and some past the meridian of life, leave their vocations at a moment's notice, and go forth in that way to proclaim the gospel of salvation to the nations that have long been wandering in the darkness, bespeaks a devotion to the principles of eternal truth not often seen."

Instead of increasing in difficulties of road and dangers of approaching winter, however, as in the case of the west-bound handcart companies, it grew daily easier, and less dangerous as they approached the Missouri river. The company was made up moreover by men alone, and the presence of aged people and children did not enter into their problems; and their journey was down hill from the base of the Rocky Mountains to the Missouri river, and attended by a constantly expanding summer, instead of threatening and actual fierce storms of winter. It was, however, the best expression, perhaps, that could be given that the elders who went among the people to preach the gospel were willing to endure the same toilsome method of travel as had been suggested to the saints in Europe, and such an expression, on the part of those who gave it, was worthy of all acceptation and praise.

Two small companies of handcart emigrants crossed the plains in 1857, led respectively by Israel Evans and Christian Christiansen. They arrived in Salt Lake City on the 12th and 13th of September. In 1858, Latter-day Saint emigration both from Europe and the states was nearly suspended, and there were no handcart companies that year. In 1859 there was one company, led by George Rowley, numbering 235 souls, with 60 handcarts, and six wagons. In 1860 there were two handcart companies. The first was led by Daniel Robinson, numbering 233 souls; 43 handcarts; 6 wagons. This company arrived in Salt Lake City on the 27th of August, and President Young took the precaution to send out teams to meet it with 2,500 lbs. of flour and 500 lbs. of bacon. The second company of handcart emigrants that year was led by Oscar O. Stoddard, and numbered 126 souls, 22 handcarts.

This was the last company to come by that method of travel.

CHAPTER XCIX

MISCELLANEOUS EVENTS, 1851-7 (CONCLUDED)--THE FAMINE OF 1855-6--ESTABLISHMENT OF "FAST DAY" FOR THE CHURCH--DEATH OF NOTABLE MEN--"REFORMATION"--"BLOOD ATONEMENT"

Among other calamitous events of the period 1851-7, to which the two preceding chapters and part of this one will be devoted, was "the famine" of 1855-6. This was occasioned by a prolonged drought and a plague of grasshoppers during the summer of 1855, from which dual cause the crop that year was well-nigh a total failure.

DROUGHT AND GRASSHOPPERS--A DUAL PLAGUE

"All the farms south of this city," writes Brigham Young, in 1855, "are nearly a desert, the northern counties and Tooele have fared considerably better, but within the last few days the latter have had a visit from the enemy, and the result is that wheat stalks have lost their heads; and, moreover, as the farms have been located on small streams, a large quantity of wheat has been burnt up for want of water. This is rather a dark picture, but I regret to say it is not overdrawn. Myriads of grasshoppers, like snowflakes in a storm, occasionally fill the air over the city, as far as the eye can reach, and they are liable to alight wherever they can distinguish good feed. A great portion of them, however, alight in the Great Salt Lake, which appears green at a distance, and the shore is lined with their dead, from one inch to two feet thick, and which smell exactly like fish. Wherever there is a chance for water the brethren are still planting corn."

The grasshoppers were a recurring plague to the valleys of Utah for several, though, fortunately, not always, consecutive years; and not always in equally destructive numbers. Captain Burton quotes a description of the grasshoppers, and of their flights in swarms, by a Lieutenant Warren, as follows: "According to Lieutenant Warren, whose graphic description is here borrowed, these insects are `nearly the same as the locusts of Egypt;' and no one who has not traveled on the prairie, and seen for himself, can appreciate the magnitude of the swarms. Often they fill the air for many miles of extent, so that an inexperienced eye can scarcely distinguish their appearance from that of a shower of rain or the smoke of prairie fire. The height of their flight may be somewhat appreciated, as Mr. E. James saw them above his head, as far as their size would render them visible, while standing on the top of a peak of the Rocky Mountains, 8,500 feet above the plain, and an elevation of 14,500 above that of the sea, in the region where the snow lies all the year. To a person standing in one of these swarms as they pass over and around him, the air becomes sensibly darkened, and the sound produced by their wings resembles that of the passage of a train of cars on a railroad when standing two or three hundred yards from the track. The Mormon settlements have suffered more from the ravages of these insects than probably all other causes combined."

In addition to the loss of the other crops by drought and grasshoppers, great numbers of cattle died on the ranges from the severity of the winter of 1855-6, which also materially lessened the quantity of food. And while the quantity of food was lessened from these three causes combined, the immigration of the saints was unusually large, and during the same period "great numbers of gold hunters en route for California," says George A. Smith, church historian, "came into the valley destitute of food, who were fed and aided on their way from our scant supplies."

THE CHARITABLE DEVICE OF "THE FAST DAY"

"In all these times of scarcity," he continues, "measures were taken to supply those who were unable to furnish themselves. A fast day was proclaimed for the church on the first Thursday of each month, and the food saved in that way distributed among the poor; and thousands of persons, who had an abundance of bread put their families on rations, in order to save the same for those who could not otherwise obtain it. And so wise and liberal were the regulations during these periods of scarcity, incident upon settling the territory, that no one perished or even suffered materially for the want of food, and all were remarkably healthy."

Those were days in Utah when money was of little value in buying flour. "Money will not buy flour or meal, only at a few places, and but very little at that," wrote Heber C. Kimball to his son William, in England. "I can assure you," he continues, "that I am harassed constantly; I sell none for money, but let it go where people are truly destitute. Dollars and cents do not count now, in these times, for they are the tightest that I have ever seen in the territory of Utah."

But notwithstanding these hard times the presidency could report on returning from a visit to the settlements that a general spirit of contentment and a desire to do right extensively prevailed; and although they found the people, continues the report, "with their crops almost entirely destroyed by the ravages of grasshoppers, rendering their hard exertions and the labors of their hands fruitless, still we heard not a murmur, nor repining, nor complaining, but rather a firm and determined reliance upon the Lord of hosts and their continued exertions for sustenance."

I have been particular to mention this "famine" in detail, for by doing so it will throw light upon some incidents of importance in the history of the Latter-day Saints, in this period. For instance, the sacrifices and increased burdens by reason of the heavy immigration of 1856, and the work of rescuing the handcart emigration of that year will appear all the more heroic and praiseworthy on the part of the Latter-day Saint community in Utah, if it is remembered that these burdens and this rescue work was done by a people whose resources were reduced by a previous year of famine. It will also account for the necessarily careful and limited, though willing and efficient, help given to California emigrant companies.

This "famine" of '55-56, revealed the precariousness of these Great Basin settlements, which eight years after the advent of the Pioneers into Salt Lake valley could still be subject to such reverses as had now come to them in the matter of food supplies. Such possibilities together with their isolation and distance from other sources of supplies, taught them caution with reference to selling grain to passing emigrant companies; and that caution accounts for some complaints made against them in these and immediately succeeding years, by California-bound emigrant companies. No charge can truthfully be made that the Utah colonists refused needed help to emigrant companies passing through their settlements; but the instinct of self-preservation, and the Christian duty of providing for their own, both prompted caution in disposing of grain supplies beyond what was absolutely needed by the emigrant strangers passing through their settlements; and led them sometimes to refuse absolutely to sell grain to be fed to teams.

THE POLICY OF STORING GRAIN AGAINST A TIME OF NEED

It was during these years, when crops were so uncertain, and other sources of food supplies so distant and transportation so slow, to say nothing of the unsympathetic and even hostile attitude of their fellow citizens, both east and west, leading to an indifference to the suffering of the Latter-day Saints in Utah, and who could--as we have already seen--coldly speculate upon the famine of 1855-6, settling the Utah question by the probable extermination of the "Mormons"--it was during these years, I say, that the wise policy was inaugurated of storing up grain each year "against a day of famine"--a policy which though now sometime since abandoned by individuals, is still followed in many quarters by a woman's auxiliary organization of the church, known as the "Relief Society."

The Female Relief Society was the first auxiliary organization in the church founded by Joseph Smith on the 17th of March, 1842. As implied by its name, and as declared by the Prophet soon after its organization was effected, the purpose of the society is "the relief of the poor, the destitute, the widow and the orphan, and for the exercise of all benevolent purposes. * * * They [members of the society] will fly to the relief of the stranger; they will pour in the wine and oil to the wounded heart of the distressed; they will dry up the tears of the orphan and make the widow's heart to rejoice."

But in addition to visiting the widows and fatherless, the sick and the poor, the society was also organized for the self-culture of its members, for their intellectual, moral, and spiritual development; and has the distinction of being the first organization of women in the world for the achievement of these two purposes: the office of charity ministrations, and the self-culture of its members. "I now turn the key in your [woman's] behalf in the name of the Lord," said the Prophet of the New Dispensation, Joseph Smith. This at a meeting of the society held on the 28th of April, 1842, "And this society shall rejoice, and knowledge and intelligence shall flow down [upon woman] from this time henceforth."

Mrs. Emma Smith (the Prophet's wife) was made the first president of the society; with Mrs. Elizabeth Ann Whitney and Sarah M. Cleveland as counselors. Miss Elvira Cole was made treasurer, and Miss Eliza R. Snow, secretary. The work of this society in caring for the poor, in nursing the sick, in keeping a storage of grain in many of the communities of the Latter-day Saints to provide against famine or other food supply emergencies, is among the most commendable things achieved by the church.

Every completely organized ward and branch of the church has its own Relief Society; each stake of Zion has its stake Relief Society, organization with a stake presidency and general board; while the general church presidency and board has a supervisory and directing control of the work in all the world.

The society now is affiliated with all the principal woman's national societies of the world, and sends delegates and representatives to the great councils of women both in America and Europe--and is therefore a national and international organization.

DEATH'S EARLY HARVEST IN UTAH--NEWEL K. WHITNEY, SECOND PRESIDING BISHOP OF THE CHURCH

During the period being considered (1851-7) death's harvest was heavy among the men prominent in the work from and near the beginning of it. Among these was the presiding bishop of the church, Newel K. Whitney, who died on the 23rd of September, 1850, in the 56th year of his life. He had been a staunch, personal friend of Joseph Smith from the time of their first meeting at Kirtland in February, 1831, to the close of the Prophet's eventful career. He had continued steadfast and faithful through the succeeding years that witnessed the exodus from Nauvoo, the migration through the wilderness, and settlement of the saints in Utah's valleys. In losing him, as stated by the Deseret News when announcing his death, "the church suffered the loss of a wise and able counselor--of a thorough, straightforward business man. * * * He has long held the office of presiding bishop of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints--to receive from the rich by consecration and to distribute to the poor, the goods of this world."

He was succeeded in office by Edward Hunter who was sustained at the general conference of the church, April 7th, 1852; and ordained on the 11th of the same month. He chose as his counselors, temporarily, Brigham Young and Heber C. Kimball, of the first presidency; and he, himself, was made assistant trustee in trust of the church, Brigham Young being the chief.

WILLARD RICHARDS: COUNSELOR AND ANNALIST

In 1854, On the 11th of March, Willard Richards, of the first presidency, died of dropsy at his residence in Salt Lake City. It will be remembered that he was with the Prophet Joseph Smith in the martyrdom at Carthage, but himself escaped unhurt. As he had been the confidant, and the tried and true friend of the Prophet, so did he occupy these relations with Brigham Young, and became his second counselor when the first presidency of the church was organized near the close of 1847. He was also the historian and general church recorder of the church--which position he held from December, 1842, to the time of his death. In that capacity he rendered invaluable service to the New Dispensation. For this office "he was eminently gifted," wrote Elder Orson Spencer. "He chronicled events, dates, circumstances and incidents," Spencer continues, "with rare accuracy of judgment and great tenacity of memory." Much of the accuracy and fulness of the history of the church that can now be given to the world, covering the eventful period of his labors as historian and general church recorder is due to the accuracy and fulness of the annals then written by him.

He was succeeded as counselor in the first presidency by Jedediah M. Grant; and as church historian and general church recorder by Geo. A. Smith.

JOHN SMITH--UNCLE OF THE PROPHET AND PATRIARCH TO THE CHURCH

On May 23rd, 1854, John Smith, the presiding patriarch to the church, died at Salt Lake City. "Uncle John," as he was familiarly known to the church, was the uncle of the Prophet Joseph, being the brother of Joseph Smith, Sen., who was the first presiding patriarch of the church. As stated in a previous chapter he was a very worthy man, and greatly beloved of the people. He was succeeded in the patriarchal office in the church by John Smith, the son of Hyrum Smith, the martyr, who was the second presiding patriarch to the church.

ORSON SPENCER: SCHOLAR AND THEOLOGIAN

The next among the prominent elders of the church to pass away in death was Orson Spencer, M. A. The value of this man in the ministry of the New Dispensation has already been stated on the occasion of his being released from the presidency of the British Mission and the editorship of the Millennial Star. He was a graduate of Union College, Schenectady, New York, 1824; and of Hamilton Theological Seminary (Baptist), New York, 1829. He received the gospel in 1841, being baptized by his brother Daniel, and from that time became one of the most faithful, as he was one of the most refined, talented and highly educated disciples of the New Dispensation. He died at St. Louis, Missouri, on the 15th of October, 1855, to which point forty days before, he had returned from a brief mission among the Cherokee nation of the American Indians, in what is now the state of Kansas. While on this mission he was stricken with malaria, and much weakened by chills and fever he returned to St. Louis, where he was expected to take editorial charge of the Luminary, then being published by Erastus Snow, and also to resume his labors as the president of the St. Louis Stake of Zion, which had been organized in November, 1854. These expectations were disappointed by his death.

JEDEDIAH M. GRANT: MISSIONARY, REFORMER, AND FIRST MAYOR OF SALT LAKE

The last of the quintet of very worthy and prominent men who died within the period covered by this and the preceding two chapters, and whose prominence in the church makes it imperative that their demise be noted in this general History, was Jedediah M. Grant, second counselor to Brigham Young in the first presidency of the church, at the time of his demise; also Salt Lake City's first mayor, and the prime mover and master spirit in what is known in the New Dispensation annals as the "Reformation." Mayor Grant died quite unexpectedly on the 1st of December, 1856. "His demise has cast a deep gloom over the city," said the Deseret News in its announcement of his death; "stores are closed and the ordinary vocations of business suspended." Three days later he was buried with processional honors.

In the civic life of Salt Lake City and the territory of Utah, Mayor Grant was a truly forceful factor, but it is in connection with the religious movement known as the "Reformation" that he will be best remembered in history.

"THE REFORMATION:" GENERAL STATUS OF THE CHURCH

The "Reformation" was doubtless a much needed moral and spiritual awakening. It must be remembered that for a number of years the Latter-day Saints had not lived under normal conditions.

From the exodus from Nauvoo, in 1846, up to the "Reformation" in 1856 --ten years--there had been much of camp life, and of frontier life, in both of which there was much moving about, unrest, absence of settled conditions everywhere, all of which made it difficult to establish regularity of life and to enforce discipline. Again, also, I call attention to the fact that the men who were the leaders in the New Dispensation were largely of Puritan stock and training; and although they had become men of the mountains and the plains --men of the frontier wilderness--still at bottom they were men of very deep and very sincere religious convictions--religious convictions that demanded striving for absolute righteousness, and that did not look upon sin, in itself, with any degree of allowance. "Be ye perfect, even as your father in heaven is perfect," represented a principle and was an admonition of the Christ accepted by them, and emphasized into possibility of achievement, when rightly understood, by the philosophy and the ethics of the New Dispensation. When, therefore, these leaders saw moral disorders about them, and increasing lack of habitual reverence for sacred things--for the Sabbath day, for example, so often infringed in their forced marches, in their fighting crickets and grasshoppers, and meeting the exigencies of the irrigation system of farming; which, to raise and sometimes to preserve a crop, often forced the use of the water upon the Lord's day upon some of the community. Neglect of prayer by some "in the time and season thereof," was doubtless an outgrowth of the irregularity of their lives. So, too, a carelessness in respect of individual property rights. Often necessity forced the use of range cattle for food supplies, and the exigency of forced journeys, the use of work cattle, and other team stock, not always with the consent of the owners--and yet without intent of stealing; said uses of property springing from that sense of community feeling which had so often regarded all the means or resources of the community as available in order to carry to successful conclusion any individual enterprise of importance--so interwoven were individual and community interests in the period here under consideration.

But while this community use of property was not evil intended in itself, it did make easy to those so inclined that habit of trespassing upon the property rights of others that, speaking plainly, can only be called theft.

SEX SINS AND THE "REFORMATION"

So also in regard to sex sins. The unsettled life of the ten years between the exodus from Nauvoo and the beginning of the "Reformation" was crowded with circumstances that lent themselves to continuous temptations in this kind of evil. There were the long weeks of ocean travel by mixed companies in slow sailing vessels; followed by long journeys of the same mixed companies up the American rivers, in crowded steamboats; or day and night travel in more crowded railway trains to the western terminals of the railroads. Then there was the longer overland journeying by handcart or ox train means of travel, all classes being thrown into constant and closest contact, which not all the care of the organized camp, nor the watchfulness of faithful pastors could rob of insidious and sometimes ruinous temptations. Then, too, as an explanation of the unusual force of emphasis placed upon sex sins, the Latter-day Saint community was open to the charge of licentiousness, and indeed were so charged, and that vehemently, for proclaiming as a principle and adopting as a practice the doctrine of a plurality of wives. To free themselves of this imputation in the practice of that doctrine, the church leaders laid an emphasis of denunciation upon sex sins which perhaps gives them an undue prominence in the things to be corrected by the "Reformation." Not that sex sins can be too severely denounced, or chastity too rigidly safeguarded by a community, but in consequence of what was perhaps the unconscious anxiety of the leaders to free the church from imputations of licentiousness in the matter of plurality of wives, the emphasis of denunciation placed upon violations of the law of chastity, and the severity of the retribution it was suggested be inflicted upon those guilty of such violations, have led to the belief that sexual sins were much more common in the Latter-day Saint communities than they really were.

"The law of chastity," as it stands in the doctrines of the church, is the law as given by the Christ when among men, involving not only the prohibition of physical acts against chastity, but even licentiousness of the mind. To which is supplemented: "He that looketh upon a woman to lust after her, shall deny the faith, and shall not have the spirit; and if he repents not he shall be cast out. Thou shalt not commit adultery; and he that committeth adultery, and repenteth not, shall be cast out. He that looketh on a woman to lust after her, or if any shall commit adultery in their hearts, they shall not have the Spirit, but shall deny the faith, and shall fear."

Sex sins in the Book of Mormon are denounced as "most abominable above all sins, save it be the shedding of innocent blood, or denying the Holy Ghost." It should be noted, in passing, that these were instructions of scriptural force to the Latter-day Saints before the revelation respecting plural marriage was given. Such was the law of chastity in the church both before and after the doctrine of plural marriage was introduced. The teaching in the "Reformation" on this point brought forth no new law, but it laid tremendous emphasis upon the existing law.

OUTSIDE TESTIMONY TO THE CHASTITY OF THE LATTER-DAY SAINTS

Both Captain Stansbury and Lieutenant Gunnison have been quoted as to the strictness of the early Utah community in the matter of insisting upon chastity, in sex relations, notwithstanding the existence of the plural marriage system. Captain Burton, whose City of the Saints was published in 1862, and whose sojourn among the saints was made in 1860, writes on this point: "The offenses against chastity, morality, and decency are exceptionally severe." "There is a prevailing idea * * * that wives are in public, and that woman can have as many husbands as the husband can have wives--in fact, to repeat colloquially, that they all `pig together.' The contrary is notably the case. The man who, like Messrs. Hamilton and Howard Egan, murders in cold blood his wife's lover, is invariably acquitted, the jury declaring that civil damages mark the rottenness of other government. * * * The Mormons point triumphantly to the austere morals of their community, their superior freedom from maladive influences, and the absence of that uncleanness and licentiousness which distinguish the cities of the civilized world." "In point of mere morality," he said later, "the Mormon community is perhaps purer than any other of equal numbers." Our author also quotes the penalties of the laws of Utah defining "crimes and punishments," then (1860) in force, beginning with the Territorial Laws of Utah:

"Sec. 32. Every person who commits the crime of adultery shall be punished by imprisonment not exceeding twenty years, and not less than three years; or by fine not exceeding one thousand dollars, and not less than three hundred dollars; or by both fine and imprisonment, at the discretion of the court. And when the crime is committed between parties any one of whom is married, both are guilty of adultery, and shall be punished accordingly.

Sec. 33. If any man or woman, not being married to each other, lewdly and lasciviously associate and cohabit together; or if any man or woman, married or unmarried, is guilty of open and gross lewdness, and designedly make any open and indecent, or obscene exposure of his or her person, or of the person of another, every such person so offending shall be punished by imprisonment not exceeding ten years, and not less than six months, and fine not more than one thousand dollars, and not less than one hundred dollars, or both, at the discretion of the court.

Sec. 34. If any person keep a house of ill fame, resorted to for the purpose of prostitution or lewdness, he shall be punished by imprisonment not exceeding ten years, and not less than one year, or fine not exceeding five hundred dollars, or both fine and imprisonment. And any person who, after being once convicted of the like offense, shall be punished not more than double the above specified penalties.

Sec. 35. If any person inveigle or entice any female, before reputed virtuous, to a house of ill fame, or knowingly conceal, aid, or abet in concealing such female so deluded or enticed, for the purpose of prostitution or lewdness, he shall be punished by imprisonment not more than fifteen years, nor less than five years. * * *

Sec. 38. If any person import, print, publish, sell or distribute any book, pamphlet, ballad, or any printed paper containing obscene language, or obscene prints, pictures, or descriptions manifestly tending to corrupt the morals of youth, or introduce into any family, school or place of education, or buy, procure, receive, or have in his possession any such book, pamphlet, ballad, printed paper, picture, or description, either for the purpose of loan, sale, exhibition, or circulation, or with intent to introduce the same into any family, school, or place of education, he shall be punished by fine not exceeding four hundred dollars."

Nearly all anti-"Mormon" writers have made much of the fierce denunciations of sin by church leaders in this period of the "Reformation," and of the confessions to moral delinquencies on the part of some of the people, as indicating a very low state of morals and of spiritual degeneracy of the whole community. And this without taking note of the very high standard of moral and spiritual excellence required by the teaching of the church leaders; of the untoward circumstances above noted, so conducive to irregularity of life in the previous ten years; or of the excessive zeal of the leaders, inspired by the Puritan Spirit in which the "Reformation" was conceived and conducted, and that often led to unconscious exaggeration in charging and denouncing both individual and community sins.

INCEPTION OF THE "REFORMATION"

The "Reformation" began at a conference at Kaysville, in Davis county, held on the 13th of September, continuing through four days; President Jedediah M. Grant, Joseph Young, of the first council of the seventy, and William Willes, recently returned from his protracted mission in India, being the most prominent factors; Brother Willes contributing much to the awakening of religious fervor by singing soul-stirring songs, one in particular, through which ran the refrain--

"The Saints will nobly do their duty."

On the third day 500 people renewed all their religious obligations in the act of baptism, 80 of whom were baptized by Elder Grant himself.

The "Reformation" proposed went chiefly to the practical affairs in life. According to the minutes of the meeting published at the time, the text of Elder Grant's first discourse and exhortation in the movement was supplied by Brigham Young:

"Saints, live your religion."

Such the text; the speaker urged that the saints hold sacred their baptismal covenants: "observing cleanliness in their persons, and dwellings, setting their families in order, carefully cultivating their farms and gardens, and not to feel so anxious to have more land that they could not attend to themselves; to gather into and build up the fort and settlement; and concluded by praying that all those who did not feel to do right might have their way opened to leave the people and territory of Utah, and that those who did not come forward and do their first works, [i.e. renew religious obligations by baptism], let them be unto you as heathen men and publicans, and not numbered among the saints."

In this passage the keynote of the "Reformation" is struck; and save only for what some might regard as a hint of intolerance in the closing lines, its purposes were wholly commendable.

This first "Reformation" meeting was followed by others during the same week at Farmington, in the same county, continuing three days, resulting in 406 persons renewing their religious obligations by baptism. The meetings were of the same general character as those held in Kaysville.

By Sunday, the 21st of September, the "Reformation" had reached Salt Lake City; and in the two meetings held in the "Old Tabernacle" that day, President Brigham Young and Heber C. Kimball as well as President Grant participated in the enthusiasm of the occasion, and from thence the work of reform and the renewal of religious obligations and covenants by the impressive sign of baptism, extended throughout all the settlements of Utah, and to all the branches and conferences and missions of the church. That much good was accomplished; that a spiritual awakening in the church was effected may not be doubted. Also it must be admitted, as in nearly all such movements, and times of special manifestations of religious zeal, there were many extreme things suggested, and some unwarranted interpretations of the scriptures, and many ill-advised things said which, when measured by the spirit of the gospel of Jesus Christ, are found wanting, especially on the side of patience, and forbearance, and mercy. In some of its aspects this "Reform" movement resembled more in spirit the severe justice and retribution of the old Mosaic law than the spirit of the gospel of Jesus Christ.

"BLOOD ATONEMENT"

Among the things to be regretted in connection with the "Reformation," and from which the church has suffered much, through misapprehension of her real attitude in respect of the matters involved, are certain extreme and unqualified utterances of some of the leading elders of the church on what it has become custom to call "blood atonement;" by which is meant, as commonly represented by anti-"Mormon" writers, a claimed right on the part of the church to shed the blood of men guilty of heinous crimes, such as murder, adultery, and apostasy; and which, since such acts may not be done openly, and by legal authority vested in the church, then secretly, by assassination.

That there are crimes for which the law of God prescribed capital punishment; and which, under the union of the spiritual and temporal power--under the blending of civil and religious authority in the old state--theocratic government of ancient Israel existed--may not be denied. As for example, in the case of murder, the law given to Noah and his posterity was: "At the hand of every man's brother will I require the life of men. Whoso sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed." This law was carried over into the Mosaic policy; and the list of crimes enlarged to include capital punishment for assault of children upon parents; for stealing men and selling them into slavery; for witchcraft; for beastiality; for idolatry; for violating the Sabbath day; for adultery. Capital punishment, however, in ancient Israel, was not left to be executed by irresponsible individuals, and at their caprice. It was sternly regulated by law and executed by legally designated agencies. There are sins enumerated also in the New Testament for which it is said there is no forgiveness. "No murderer hath eternal life abiding in him," saith St. John. "Who so speaketh against the Holy Ghost, it shall not be forgiven him, neither in this world, neither in the world to come." "He that shall blaspheme against the Holy Ghost hath never forgiveness," is the more impressive declaration of St. Mark, "but is in danger of eternal damnation."

"It is impossible for those who were once enlightened, and have tasted of the heavenly gift, and were made partakers of the Holy Ghost, and have tasted the good word of God, and the powers of the world to come, if they shall fall away, to renew them again unto repentance; seeing they crucify to themselves the Son of God afresh, and put him to an open shame."

It is very clear that other New Testament writers recognized a "sin unto death:" "If any man," said St. John, "see his brother sin a sin which is not unto death, he shall ask, and he shall give him life for them that sin not unto death. There is a sin unto death: I do not say that he shall pray for it." "For," as declares the writer to the Hebrews, "if we sin wilfully after that we have received the knowledge of the truth, there remaineth no more sacrifice for sins; but a certain fearful looking for of judgment and fiery indignation, which shall devour the adversaries. He that despised Moses' law died without mercy under two or three witnesses: Of how much sorer punishment, suppose ye, shall he be thought worthy, who hath trodden under foot the Son of God, and hath counted the blood of the covenant, wherewith he was sanctified, an unholy thing, and hath done despite unto the Spirit of grace?"

It follows as logical conclusion in such cases as are here enumerated that the matter stands with them as if no atonement of the Christ had been made, and they themselves must pay the penalty of their sins. "The life of the flesh," said Moses, is in the blood; "and I have given it to you upon the altar to make an atonement for your souls: for it is the blood that maketh an atonement for the soul."

It may, of course, be urged that reference is here made to the blood of beasts and birds appointed to be slain in sacrifice; and that their blood, typifying the blood of the Christ, which would be shed for remission of sin, was given to ancient Israel to make atonement for their souls; and it is true, as Paul said of the law, "almost all things are by the law purged with blood; and without the shedding of blood is no remission." But if, as seems to be the case, from the foregoing considerations, there are certain limitations to vicarious atonement, even to the vicarious atonement of the Christ, then these ancient laws proclaiming that the life of the flesh is in the blood, and that "the blood maketh an atonement for the soul," make plain what is needful for the salvation of the soul where one's sins place him beyond the reach of vicarious means of salvation--then it is the shedding of the sinners own blood that must here be referred to. Paul evidently recognized such cases as these; for in referring to one who had been guilty of such sin as is not so much as named among the Gentiles, "that one should have his father's wife," he said:

"For I verily, as absent in body, but present in spirit, have judged already, as though I were present, concerning him that hath so done this deed, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, when ye are gathered together, and my spirit, with the power of our Lord Jesus Christ, to deliver such an one unto Satan for the destruction of the flesh, that the spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord Jesus."

Here then is the doctrine taught that by "destruction of the flesh," there is hope that "the spirit might be saved, in the day of the Lord Jesus." And no one can say that Brigham Young went beyond this when he said--and this is one of the offensive passages so frequently quoted against him by anti-"Mormon" writers:

"There are sins that men commit for which they cannot receive forgiveness in this world, or in that which is to come, and if they had their eyes open to see their true condition, they would be perfectly willing to have their blood spilt upon the ground, that the smoke thereof might ascend to heaven as an offering for their sins; and the smoking incense would atone for their sins, whereas, if such is not the case, they will stick to them and remain upon them in, the spirit world.

I know, when you hear my brethren telling about cutting people off from the earth, that you consider it is strong doctrine; but it is to save them, not to destroy them. * * *

I do know that there are sins committed of such a nature that if the people did understand the doctrine of salvation, they would tremble because of their situation. And furthermore, I know that there are transgressors, who, if they knew themselves and the only condition upon which they can obtain forgiveness, would beg of their brethren to shed their blood, that the smoke thereof might ascend to God as an offering to appease the wrath that is kindled against them, and that the law might have its course. I will say further; I have had men come to me and offer their lives to atone for their sins. It is true that the blood of the Son of God was shed for sins through the fall, and those committed by men, yet men can commit sins which it can never remit."

The doctrine of "blood atonement," then, is based upon the scriptural laws considered in the foregoing paragraphs. The only point at which complaint may be justly laid in the teaching of the "Reformation" period is in the unfortunate implication that the Church of the Latter-day Saints, or individuals in that church, may execute this law of retribution. Fortunately, however, the suggestions seemingly made in the overzealous words of some of these leading elders were never acted upon. The church never incorporated them into her policy. Indeed, it would have been a violation of divine instruction given in the New Dispensation had the church attempted to establish such procedure. As early as 1831 the law of the Lord was given to the church as follows:

"And now, behold, I speak unto the church: Thou shalt not kill; and he that kills shall not have forgiveness in this world, nor in the world to come.

And again, I say, thou shalt not kill; but he that killeth shall die. * * * And it shall come to pass, that if any persons among you shall kill, they shall be delivered up and dealt with according to the laws of the land; for remember that he hath no forgiveness, and it shall be proven according to the laws of the land."

The same disposition was directed to be made with reference to those who should rob, steal, or lie, that is, they should be delivered up to be dealt with "according to the laws of the land. " Those who committed adultery, and repented not, were to be cast out.

A few months later, August, 1831, the Lord said in connection with the purchase of lands in Jackson county:

"Satan putteth it into their hearts [i.e., the hearts of the Missourians] to anger against you, and to the shedding of blood; wherefore the land of Zion, shall not be obtained but by purchase or by blood, otherwise there is none inheritance for you. And if by purchase, behold you are blessed; and if by blood, as you are forbidden to shed blood, lo, your enemies are upon you, and ye shall be scourged from city to city, and from synagogue to synagogue, and but few shall stand to receive and inheritance."

Moreover, in the very discourse, most frequently quoted by anti-"Mormon" writers against the church on this point--ante this chapter--Brigham Young very clearly indicates that neither the church nor individual members of it had any right to execute the law of retribution he had been discussing. He could refer to "plenty of instances where men have been righteously slain in order to atone for their sins," doubtless having in mind the many such instances named in the scriptures under the law and policy received through Moses; and the legal executions in those nations and states that give sanction to capital punishment for some of these offenses; he had "seen scores and hundreds of people for whom there would have been a chance [in the last resurrection there would be] if their lives had been taken and their blood spilled on the ground as a smoking incense to the Almighty;" he "had known a great many men who have left this church [i.e. of the Latter-day Saints] for whom there is no chance whatever for exaltation; but if their blood had been spilled, [for their crimes, not because they left the church] it would have been better for them;"--yet "the wickedness and ignorance of the nations forbid this principle's being in full force, but the time will come when the law of God will be in full force."

All which is but recognition of the fact that said law of God is not now in force, and the "ignorance" of the nations now in power will not permit it to go into force. Under these circumstances, then, what is to be done? On the one hand is God's law of retribution that would destroy certain sinners in the flesh for their crimes, that "the spirit," to use the language of Paul, "might be saved in the day of the Lord Jesus;" on the other hand are the "ignorant nations" who will not authorize the penalties affixed to some divine laws, nor prescribe the methods of execution that the law of God anciently ordained; and the church, as an organization, and the individuals comprising it, are forbidden to inflict the physical punishment of death, or any other physical punishment. Under these circumstances, I ask again, what is to be done? Just what Brigham Young did, issue the declaration he made in the very discourse here under consideration, the discourse of February 8th, 1857, but which declaration has never received consideration by anti-"Mormon" writers, nor allowed its place in modifying the spirit of the whole discourse quoted, --often misquoted, and always in some fashion garbled--namely:

"The time has been in Israel under the law of God * * * that if a man was found guilty of adultery, he must have his blood shed; * * * but now, I say, in the name of the Lord, that if this people will sin no more, but faithfully live their religion, their sins will be forgiven them without taking life."

And that was and is the course and policy followed by the church. If there has been departure in any degree from that policy, and the positive, divine injunction to the church and its individual members--"Thou shalt not kill"--if this injunction has been violated, the responsibility for such departure rests wholly upon the guilty individuals and not upon the church.

It should be noted in this connection that in the individual cases of "blood atonement" charged, the allegations rest upon the word of men who are themselves self-confessed murderers and outlaw desperadoes; or else the charge rests upon the word of anonymous writers; or the cases specified are not such as fall under the category of so-called "blood atonement."

Of the first class the accounts of "blood atonement" are by such characters as John D. Lee, of the "Mountain Meadows" horror, and of William A. Hickman, commonly known as "Bill," Hickman--a typical western desperado; these, et al, loosely ascribe responsibility for their crimes to leading "Mormon" church officials, especially to alleged orders or to the veiled suggestions of President Brigham Young. It would violate all the canons of standard historical writing to consider seriously charges made by such characters.

Of the second class, viz., anonymous persons, usually apostate "Mormons," who kept their identity concealed, it is alleged, through fear of assassination should they be identified with their disclosures, and whose tales of blood and cruelty and of oppression struggle out of obscurity to public attention through sensational writers. These are represented by such anonymous persons as those whose statements are admitted into the pages of Stenhouse, in his Rocky Mountain Saints; by Beadle, in his Mysteries and Crimes of Mormonism; by Reverend (!) C. P. Lyford, in his Mormon Problem; and by many others who from one pretense or another conceal the identity of their alleged informers. And yet, as remarked in an official document signed by the first presidency of the church and the twelve apostles, in 1889, there seems to have been no danger to such characters either from open or secret church agencies. "Notwithstanding all the stories told about the killing of apostates," says the document referred to, no case of this kind has ever occurred, and of course has never been established against the church we represent. Hundreds of seceders from the church have continuously resided and now live in this territory, many of whom have amassed considerable wealth, though bitterly opposed to the "Mormon" faith and people. Even those who made it their business to fabricate the vilest falsehoods, and to render them plausible by culling isolated passages from old sermons without the explanatory context, and have suffered no opportunity to escape them of vilifying and blackening the characters of the people, have remained among those whom they have thus persistently calumniated until the present day, without receiving the slightest personal injury.

Of the third class of cases, viz., those that do not properly come within the category of alleged "blood atonement" cases, such as where a father or brother personally avenges the outraged chastity of a daughter or sister; or a wronged husband slays the despoiler of his domestic peace and home. Such cases are not peculiar to communities of Latter-day Saints in the United States, they are recognized as appeals to the "unwritten law of the land;" and trial juries quite generally in the United States refuse to convict, either for manslaughter or murder those who take the law into their own hands in such cases. Granting that the severity of the denunciations against violations of chastity and the purity of the home encouraged appeals to "the unwritten law," and hence that such appeals were made more frequently in Utah than elsewhere,--if they were more frequent than elsewhere in western America--it still remains to be determined whether or not that is a reproach to the community, or a tribute to the high sense of honor, the virility, the strength, and the courage of the community's manhood.

But this whole question of "blood atonement," so much iterated and reiterated by anti-"Mormon" writers, is put at rest, so far as the church's relationship to it is concerned, by an official proclamation upon the subject, in addition to the divine instructions to the church already cited in this chapter. I give the title and formal introduction to the proclamation, and so much of the document as deals with the subject in hand, and the signatures:

MANIFESTO OF THE PRESIDENCY AND APOSTLES

"SALT LAKE CITY, Dec. 12th, 1889.

To Whom It May Concern:

In consequence of gross misrepresentations of the doctrines, aims and practices of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, commonly called the `Mormon' church, which have been promulgated for years, and have recently been revived for political purposes and to prevent all aliens, otherwise qualified, who are members of the `Mormon church from acquiring citizenship, we deem it proper on behalf of said church to publicly deny these calumnies and enter our protest against them.

We solemnly make the following declarations, viz.:

That this church views the shedding of human blood with the utmost abhorrence, That we regard the killing of a human being, except in conformity with the civil law, as a capital crime, which should be punished by shedding the blood of the criminal after a public trial before a legally constituted court of the land. * * *

We denounce as entirely untrue the allegation which has been made, that our church favors or believes in the killing of persons who leave the church or apostatize from its doctrines. We would view a punishment of this character for such an act with the utmost horror; it is abhorrent to us and is in direct opposition to the fundamental principles of our creed.

The revelations of God to this church make death the penalty of capital crime, and require that offenders against life and property shall be delivered up and tried by the laws of the land.

We declare that no bishop's or other court in this church claims or exercises civil or judicial functions, or the right to supercede, annul or modify a judgment of any civil court. Such courts, while established to regulate Christian conduct, are purely ecclesiastical, and their punitive

powers go no further than the suspension or excommunication of members from church fellowship. * * *

[Signed):

"WILFORD WOODRUFF, GEORGE Q. CANNON, JOSEPH F. SMITH,

Presidency of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.

LORENZO SNOW,GEORGE TEASDALE,

FRANKLIN D. RICHARDS,HEBER J. GRANT,

BRIGHAM YOUNG,JOHN W. TAYLOR,

MOSES THATCHER,W. W. MERRILL,

FRANCIS M. LYMAN,A. H. LUND,

JOHN HENRY SMITH,ABRAHAM H. CANNON,

Members of the Council of the Apostles.

JOHN W. YOUNG, DANIEL H. WELLS, Counselors."

NOTE

THE FAST DAY OF THE CHURCH

The fast day mentioned in the regular text of this History, usually extends from the evening of Saturday--the day of preparation for the Lord's day--to the afternoon of Sunday. Special services are held upon that day, the "fast day meeting, when right of speaking briefly, --usually in praise of God for his providences, or in testimony of the truth, or praying, or of singing, is granted to all present. And at this meeting the saints are admonished to remember the poor and contribute means, food or money, for their benefit; which in value should at least equal the amount saved by the person or family so fasting." * * * "All such funds," says the instructions to the church, "should be applied exclusively for the purpose of assisting the worthy poor as, in the judgment of the bishopric, may be necessary. The limitation of the charity to the "worthy poor," is made in order not to foster the vicious in preying upon the industrious, and to prevent the creation of a pauper class. It is no part of the church's policy to burden the industrious with the willfully idle, the law is that "the idler shall not eat the bread, nor wear the garments of the laborer." Even in the cases of the "worthy poor," "who," says the instructions of the church in directing the uses of the fast charity, "should always have our sympathy and aid," it is suggested that "whereever a person drawing assistance is able to do something towards his or her support, however small, the bishopric should endeavor to provide such employment suited to their capacity and condition.

The possibilities of this fast provision is tremendous. It requires giving up two meals in a month and consecrating what would otherwise be consumed to the charity proposed. It is an act in which all may equally participate; and in their sacrifice be equal. And what is better yet, those who may have never felt the gnawing and the weakness from hunger before, --especially the children of the rich--by this means may be given the experience with each recurring month, and thus be put into sharper sympathetic relations with their less fortunate fellow Christians and fellow citizens than could otherwise exist. Suppose such a plan was faithfully carried out in the city of New York all responding to it as a Christian duty--it would provide ample means to feed and clothe and lodge the worthy poor of the city; the cry of hunger need not ascend into the ears of God who has provided in his earth an abundance for all. The same would be true of our nation if it became a national institution in the land. It would constitute a permanent resource, an emergency fund, from which could be instantly met the requirements of such calamities as overtake our land at times by fire and flood, by tempest and earthquake, by famine and pestilence in which all would participate equally by an equal sacrifice. And what would result from a great city, or of a nation adopting such a noble means of charity, would equally result from all nations adopting it--it has in it the elements of a noble, world-wide charity, sufficient to the constantly recurring needs of the worthy poor, and the unavoidable calamities which intermittently visit every nation and people.

CHAPTER C

THE MOUNTAIN MEADOWS MASSACRE

Here, in these chapters dealing with calamitous events of the period of 1851-7, may as well be considered that event which is the most lamentable episode in Utah history, and in the history of the church. I refer to the Mountain Meadows Massacre. The writer recognizes it as the most difficult of all the many subjects with which he has to deal in this History. Difficult because it is well-nigh impossible to sift out the absolute truth of the matter from the mass of conflicting statements made by witnesses and near witnesses of the affair; and equally difficult to reconcile the differences of contending partisans. Anti-"Mormon" writers have been determined to fasten the crime upon the Church of the Latter-day Saints, or at least upon her leaders; and also, as a rule, holding that in some way "Mormon" doctrine and "Mormon" church policy was responsible for the crime. On the other hand, church people who in all good conscience, and justly, resent this imputation against their church and its leaders, have been naturally slow to admit all the facts that history may insist upon as inevitable.

One of the most pathetic things connected with the case is that none of the Arkansas company of emigrants survived who were competent to relate the events as they saw them take place, since all were killed who could have had any certain memory of the circumstances, and it follows that the emigrants' story must be pieced together from the admissions and confessions of their murderers, Indians and white men, told at different times and under varying circumstances; prompted sometimes by self-interest, admissions and confessions alike, made in the hope of escaping censure, sometimes in the hope of avoiding the just consequences of participation in the crime; sometimes told in despair; and then again in the bitterness of revenge against some fellow participant who had betrayed the deed of blood; sometimes told haltingly, to shield those who may have been unwillingly brought into the wretched affair. And then some of these admissions, confessions, and relations have reached us only through second and third parties who have, in all probability, colored them to their own interested or biased views of the subject.

But at this point it is necessary to present, in outline, at least, the main facts in the case, before proceeding to the discussion of them.

THE CHARACTER OF THE EMIGRANT PARTY KILLED AT MOUNTAIN MEADOWS

The emigrants attacked at Mountain Meadows were a company made up chiefly of people from the state of Arkansas, and a few from Missouri, numbering in all about one hundred and forty souls, men, women, and children. They were reported to have been an exceptionally well-to-do company; with plenty of cattle, and horses and mules for teams, besides a number of loose cattle not subject to the yoke. Stenhouse, who describes the company from information supplied by a close gentleman friend of his who traveled with them from Fort Bridger to Salt Lake City, speaks of them in highest praise. He declares that they were wealthy; that in addition to the ordinary emigrant wagons they had several riding carriages; that in the main they were a collection of families closely related by the ties of consanguinity; that one of their number was a Methodist preacher, and that they were close observers of religious services night and morning, as well as upon the Christian Sabbath. This authority, and for their character we have no other that speaks directly for them, states that there was a company of Missourians traveling in proximity with the Arkansas company, who were "a rough-and-ready set of men, regular frontier Pioneers; the other [the Arkansas party] a picked company." The Missouri contingent called themselves "Missouri Wildcats." Bancroft dismisses the theory that there were two distinct companies by saying that "the truth appears to be that there were a few Missourians in the Arkansas party, as stated in Hutchings California Magazine." It must have been that the "Missouri Wildcats" dominated the company as it made its way through southern Utah, and gave to it the general character it bears in Utah annals, which, as we shall see, is the very opposite to that given to it by Stenhouse and Kelsey.

JOURNEY OF THE ARKANSAS EMIGRANTS THROUGH UTAH

This mixed company of Arkansas and Missouri emigrants arrived in Salt Lake City about the last of July and camped on the Jordan. It would appear that their arrival in the valley created no special interest as no mention of it appears in the Deseret News of the period, and Brigham Young declared that he only heard of its arrival by rumor. The emigrants were encamped for some time on the Jordan, west of Salt Lake City, and were advised by Elder Charles C. Rich to take the route around the north end of Salt Lake, as being preferable to the southern road. The company was so far impressed with his advice that they went as far north as Bear river, then changed their minds and concluded to take the southern route. In their journey the company passed through Provo, Springville, Payson, Fillmore and the smaller intervening settlements. No complaint is made against their deportment as emigrants until they reach Fillmore--a distance of about 150 miles south of Salt Lake City--and at Corn Creek, in Millard county--about 15 miles south of Fillmore. At the former place "they threatened the destruction of the town," says George A. Smith, "and boasted of their participation in the murders and other outrages that were inflicted upon the `Mormons' in Missouri and Illinois." At the latter place, Corn Creek, "they poisoned the springs and the body of an ox which had died. The carcass was eaten by a band of Pieds from the desert who were on a visit to the Pahvantes"--the local tribe of Indians. "I was informed by the people living at Meadow Creek, the nearest settlers to Corn Creek," continues our authority, "that ten Indians died from this poisoned meat, and that a considerable number of cattle also died from the poisoning of the water. Some of these cattle were fat, and the owners `tried them up,' to save the tallow. A son of Mr. Robison of Fillmore, was poisoned from the handling of the meat, and died. Among the cattle that died of poison were several belonging to the Hon. John A. Ray. He, being at the time in Europe, Mrs. Ray attended to saving the tallow, and was so poisoned as to endanger her life and permanently injure her hand. * * * While passing through the lower settlements the emigrants boasted of their participation in the expulsion of the `Mormons' from Missouri, and threatened to stop at some convenient point, and fatten their stock, that when the United States troops should arrive, the emigrants would have plenty of beef to feed them with, and would then help to kill every `Mormon' that there was in the mountains. This course of conduct on their part, coupled with the rumor which they spread, that some four or five hundred dragoons were expected through on the Fremont trail (i. e. from California), whom they would join, caused them to be regarded by the settlers with a feeling of distrust."

THE ALLEGED POLICY OF "NON-INTERCOURSE" WITH THE ARKANSAS EMIGRANTS

It is alleged that these emigrants could not purchase provisions in Salt Lake City, nor in the settlements through which they passed; that they were ordered by Brigham Young to leave Salt Lake City; that a courier preceded them, through the southern settlements, with written instructions for the settlers to have no dealings or intercourse with them. This is contradicted, however, as we shall see later by the sworn statements of men who sold grain to the emigrants until they were satisfied and would purchase no more. Attention has already been called to the partial famine in Utah in 1855-56, and the necessity it enjoined upon the people of Utah, in their peculiar situation, to husband their food supplies, especially their grain. In addition to the possibility of the recurrence of drought and grasshoppers, there was now an army approaching the territory, with no very clearly defined purpose, with no official notification of its purpose at all, or the fact of its having started, served upon the civil authorities of the territory; and in what it might eventuate no one knew, except that on the part of the Latter-day Saints there was a strong determination not to submit to oppression, even though that should involve them in another exodus from their homes; and as a preliminary step to such a possible eventuality, word was sent throughout the settlements to the people to carefully husband their grain; to feed none to their own stock, to sell none to passing companies of emigrants for that purpose, and for food supplies only sufficient to see them through to where they could purchase of other communities.

Elder George A. Smith who had been at the national capital and in the eastern states for about a year, urging the claims of Utah for admission into the Union, returned to Salt Lake City in the summer of 1857, and as some members of his family lived at Parowan, and he had property interests in the southern settlements--it will be remembered that he was prominent in the founding of these settlements--he paid a visit to the south part of the territory. In his capacity of an elder in the church, and a member of the council of the twelve apostles, he gave counsel to the saints respecting the care of their grain, and the necessity of being prepared for possible emergencies. But in as much as Elder Smith went south in advance of the Arkansas emigrant company, he is the "courier" of the anti-"Mormon" writers; the one who went to instruct the southern settlements in the policy of non-intercourse with the emigrants, and refusal to sell them food supplies, both of which charges Elder Smith by affidavit specifically denies, as he also denies that he knew even of the existence of the Arkansas company until he was returning from his journey to the south, and met them at Corn Creek, fifteen miles south of Fillmore. President Young denied that the Arkansas emigrants had been ordered away from Salt Lake either by himself or any one in authority under him; or that any order had been given by him not to sell grain or to trade with the emigrant trains passing through Utah at the time. "Counsel and advice," President Young explains, "were given to the citizens not to sell grain to the emigrants to feed their stock, but to let them have sufficient for themselves if they were out. The simple reason for this was that for several years our crops had been short, and the prospect was at that time that we might have trouble with the United States army, then en route for this place, and we wanted to preserve the grain for food. The citizens of the territory were counseled not to feed grain to their own stock. No person was ever punished or called in question for furnishing supplies to the emigrants, within my knowledge."

At Lee's first trial, July, 1875, Jesse N. Smith, for a number of years a member of the Utah territorial legislature, a prominent Pioneer in the southern settlements of Utah and later in Arizona, where he was elected a member of that territorial legislature, and was president of the Snowflake stake of Zion--Mr. Smith testified that he lived in Parowan in 1857, that he came to Utah ten years before. Saw the [Arkansas] emigrant train at the town above named [Parowan], sold them flour and salt, had flour to spare and asked if they wanted more; they wanted vegetables, but witness had none to spare. Saw George A. Smith in Parowan August 8th; he came in from the north, went down among the settlements, witness accompanying him. A meeting was held in every settlement. Witness attended them all. He [George A. Smith] deprecated selling grain and breadstuffs to feed to horses and mules. Never heard him in his public addresses allude to this train."

Silas S. Smith, brother to the above witness, corroborated, in the main the statements given by Jesse N. Smith. "Heard nothing said to discourage the sale of provisions to emigrant trains for food;" and heard nothing said by George A.Smith "against allowing emigrant trains to pass through the

country."

Accompanying Geo. A. Smith northward their party met the Arkansas emigrants at Corn Creek where they were encamped, and where the Smith party camped also. Some of the emigrants visited the Smith party and made inquiries. Some one asked if the Indians would be likely to eat the flesh of an ox that laid dead near the camp, and was answered that most likely they would. From Cedar Springs in Millard county, Silas S. Smith separated from his cousin, Geo. A. Smith, and returned southward to his home in Paragoona. When so returning he overtook the Arkansas emigrants at Indian Creek near Beaver, camped with and had supper with them. And heard the captain of the company called "Mr. Fancher."

The Arkansas company passed through the "Mormon" settlements of Cedar and Pinto in the latter part of the first week in September and encamped at Mountain Meadows.

LOCATION OF THE MOUNTAIN MEADOWS

The Mountain Meadows are situated about three hundred and twenty miles south and a little west of Salt lake City. They are on the plateau which forms the rim of the basin, the watershed separating the streams that flow to the Colorado river, and those flowing northward to lose themselves in the semi-desert of the Escalante valley. The "Meadows" are really a narrow valley about five miles in length by one mile in width, narrowing down to a few rods in width at the southern end, through which the old emigrant road passed. Near the south end of the Meadows is a large spring, a short distance north of which the Arkansas emigrants went into encampment, expecting, according to reported outgivings of theirs, to remain there some time for the purpose of resting their cattle before commencing their journey through the desert and semi-desert country between them and southern California.

THE MESSAGE OF INQUIRY SENT TO BRIGHAM YOUNG--JAMES HASLEM

Meantime the effect of the bad conduct of this emigrant company while passing through the southern "Mormon" settlements and the adjacent Indian tribes had culminated in a great excitement among the latter, and of anger and resentment among the former. It was customary for the local leading men at Cedar and from the smaller settlements in its vicinity to gather in a council meeting after the close of the regular Sunday services of the church, to consider questions of local community interest. At such a meeting on the 6th of September the question concerning the conduct of, and what ought to be done with, the Arkansas emigrants was brought up and debated. Some in the council were in favor of destroying them, and others were not. Finally, and largely through the influence of Mr. Laban Morrill, it was "unanimously decided" in that council to suspend all hostile action relative to the emigrants until a message could be sent to Brigham Young to learn what would be the best course to pursue. The next day James Haslem, a resident of Cedar at the time, was sent as such messenger to Governor Young. Word had come to Cedar before this express started for Salt Lake City that the Indians had the Arkansas emigrants surrounded at Mountain Meadows and John D. Lee (farmer to the Indians in southern Utah) wanted to know what should be done. Haslem testifies that this was the substance of the message handed to him. Haslem arrived in Salt Lake City in the forenoon of Thursday, the 10th of September. Governor Young after reading the message asked Haslem if he could stand the return trip; Haslem answered in the affirmative, and was then directed by the governor to take a few hours rest and then return with the answer that would be prepared. After several hours rest, Haslem presented himself to the governor and received a written message, unsealed, the governor saying to him as he prepared to ride away:--

GOVERNOR BRIGHAM YOUNG'S VERBAL ANSWER

"Go with all speed, spare no horse flesh. The emigrants must not be meddled with, if it takes all Iron county to prevent it. They must go free and unmolested."

PRESIDENT YOUNG'S LETTER TO ISAAC C. HAIGHT

"President's Office,

G. S. L. City, Sept. 10th, 1857.

Elder Isaac C. Haight,

Dear Brother: Your note of the 7th inst. is to hand. Captain Van Vliet, acting commissary is here, having come in advance of the army to procure necessaries for them. We do not expect that any part of the army will be able to reach here this fall. There are only about 850 men coming, they are now at or near Laramie. A few of the freight trains are this side of that place, the advance of which are now on Green river. They will not be able to come much, if any farther, on account of their poor stock. They cannot get here this season without we help them. So you see that the Lord has answered our prayers and again averted the blow designed for our heads.

In regard to emigration trains passing through our settlements we must not interfere with them until they are first notified to keep away. You must not meddle with them. The Indians we expect will do as they please, but you should try and preserve good feelings with them. There are no other trains going south that I know of if those who are there will leave let them go in peace. While we should be on the alert, on hand and always ready we should always possess ourselves in patience, preserving ourselves and property, ever remembering that God rules. He has overruled for our deliverance this once again, and he will always do so if we live our religion, be united in our faith and good works. All is well with us. May the Lord bless you and all saints forever.

I remain as ever your brother in the Gospel of Christ

BRIGHAM YOUNG."

Haslem returned by relay of horses, arriving at Cedar on Sunday the 13th of September, and delivered his message from Governor Young to Isaac C. Haight, who as he read it, burst into tears and said:

"Too late, too late!"

"The massacre," adds Haslem, "was all over before I got home."

Not only was a messenger sent to President Young in pursuance of the agreement of the council held at Cedar on the 6th of September, but messengers were also sent to leading men at Pinto, a small settlement within five or six miles of the Mountain Meadows, directing that the Indians be held in check until word could be received from Brigham Young with reference to the emigrants, and giving the information that a messenger was then starting for Salt Lake City.

OPENING ATTACK ON THE EMIGRANTS

Meantime several hundred Indians had gathered at Mountain Meadows, and at break of day on Monday or Tuesday morning--began an attack upon the emigrant camp, killing--it was afterwards learned--seven and wounding sixteen at the first volley. Though taken unawares the emigrants fought bravely and repulsed the Indians, killing several braves and mortally wounding two of their chiefs. This checked the attack, and afforded the emigrants an opportunity to draw their wagons into a close circle, sink the wheels to the hubs, and in the center of the enclosure dig a rifle pit large enough to afford protection to the whole party. They were in a state of siege.

Meantime the Indians sent runners into the surrounding country to gather more tribesmen, and one to John D. Lee, urging him to come to the place of the conflict and lead them to victory. Lee crossed the mountains from his home at the settlement of Harmony, and arrived among the Indians, whom he reports as in a frenzy of excitement and demanded that he lead them in an attack upon the now intrenched camp, threatening if he did not do it they would declare war upon the "Mormons" and kill every one in the settlements.

Unfortunately for these statements we only have the word of Lee to support them, as he was the only white man up to this stage of the proceedings with the Indians, and he can never be accepted as a reliable witness. But according to his statements he induced the Indians to allow him to leave the vicinity of the Meadows to bring up more Indians from the south. Sixteen miles southward he met about one hundred Indians and a number of white settlers from the Santa Clara valley. The Indians proceeded forthwith to join their friends at the scene of conflict, the whites camped together with Lee that night, and moved on to the Meadows the next day. From the encampment which these whites formed near Hamblin's ranch, and at no great distance from the emigrant train, word was sent to Cedar detailing the situation. But whether that was a message asking for help to protect and save the emigrants and pacify the Indians, as claimed by Lee; or a call for reinforcements to help effect their destruction; or a call for a gathering of more settlers for consultation to determine what could be done, and what it would be best to do, may not be determined, as Lee's statement cannot be trusted. The call, however, whatever its purport, brought to Mountain Meadows a number of white settlers from Cedar, on Thursday, the 10th of September, enough to swell the number of whites now there to between fifty and sixty, many of whom were but very young men.

That night and the following morning the fate of the emigrants was debated among the leaders of the settlers. One incident which may have been a large determining factor in the subsequent tragedy was the killing, the night before, of one of the emigrants by white men some distance from the emigrant camp. It appears that two men of the emigrant company on Wednesday left their camp in the Meadows, evaded the watchfulness of the Indians and were making their way to Cedar for help; at or near the settlement of Pinto they met three white men to whom they told their errand, but were immediately attacked and one of them was killed. The other escaped and returned to the emigrant camp, with his news, of course, that the white settlers were doubtless in league with the Indians for their destruction, since his companion had been killed by white men. Should any of the emigrants escape with that story to California, in the then excited state of mind towards the "Mormons," the likelihood would be that a military force would soon be moving upon them from the west as well as the one now invading the territory from the east. This is not said by way of palliation for the crime of the massacre which followed, but is mentioned as one of the important facts of the tragedy, and as one of the contributing causes, doubtless, to the decision arrived at that all of the emigrants should be killed who would be likely to retain any memory of what had occurred, or was likely to occur.

MOTIVES PROMPTING THE MASSACRE

This gives fear a large place among the motives that led to the crime of the Mountain Meadows. It has already been stated that the course of the emigrants in passing through the southern settlements had awakened the resentment of the people. Though much of their boasting about participation in the Missouri and Illinois "Mormon" troubles may have been the mere bravado of the "Missouri Wildcats;" and their threats against the then presiding "Mormon" leaders, and their expressed intention to return in force and destroy the Latter-day Saint settlements, may have been but the vain ranting of the reckless spirits of the camp, yet it was suicidal to indulge in that bravado and such ranting. It would have been so in any community who had suffered such injustice as the Latter-day Saints had suffered; with which suffering they were now taunted, and of which there was now--as the settlers viewed it--a threatened repetition, and in which repetition the reckless part of this company of emigrants expressed determination to participate. Such procedure even under normal conditions would have aroused resentments and led to trouble, and most likely to some acts of violence. But to make these boasts, and to indulge in these threats at a time when great excitement prevailed in the "Mormon" settlements, and the war spirit of the people was aroused by reports of the approach of an invading army whose purpose the saints were left to suspect by their cruel experiences with state troops in both Missouri and Illinois--for the Arkansas emigrants to indulge in boastings of past achievements with armed movements against the saints, to swagger and threaten a repetition of these things was, under all the circumstances, to invite calamity. And now that one of their number had been shot down by white men, and they had evidence that white settlers of Utah were leagued with the Indians, it doubtless made it easy for some of the leaders to persuade the white settlers gathered at Mountain Meadows to conclude that the emigrants if allowed to escape would be able to carry out their threat of returning from California with the necessary force to destroy the "Mormon" settlements. And so I say this fear became a weighty argument in determining the fate of the emigrant company.

The fate of the emigrants was debated among the leaders of the white settlers at the Meadows; we need not attempt to trace the discussion in detail where there is so much that is unreliable on account of the character of the witnesses, and so much that is contradictory. Nor is it possible to know the distress and suffering of the besieged emigrants. It is known, however, that their suffering was very great. Their corral of wagons was some distance from the spring on the north side of which they had camped, and they could get no water without exposing themselves to the attacks of the Indians who watched the spring; and the same is true as to wood, though at intervals, and usually at night, both were obtained, but at great risk. Great and sickening must have been their consternation when they learned from their man who had escaped from the Pinto assault that white men as well as the Indians were arrayed against them.

MASSACRE COLDLY DETERMINED UPON

After the discussion as to the disposition of the emigrants referred to ended, it appears that leading spirits among the white settlers who had assembled at Mountain Meadows determined upon the destruction of the emigrants; and in order that it might be accomplished without risk to themselves it was decided to decoy the emigrants from their fortified camp, disarm them and treacherously put them to death. The conception was diabolical; the execution of it horrible; and the responsibility for both must rest upon those men who conceived and executed it; for whatever of initiative may or may not have been taken by the Indians in the first assault upon these emigrants, responsibility for this deliberately planned massacre rests not with them.

A flag of truce was sent to the emigrant camp, carried by one William Bateman; he was met outside the camp by a Mr. Hamilton from the emigrant company, and an arrangement was made for John D. Lee to hold a parley with the emigrants and explain in what way they could be delivered from the vengeance of the surrounding Indian tribes. The terms were that the emigrants give up their arms; that the wounded be loaded into wagons followed by the women and larger children, the men of the company in single file coming after them. On condition of such surrender the white settlers were to give the emigrants safe conduct back to Cedar, where they would be protected until they could continue the journey to California in safety. The surrender was made by the emigrants; two wagons were brought to their camp and the arms and the wounded loaded into them, the procession formed, and the march toward Cedar began.

EXECUTION OF THE PLAN

Meantime the Indians, several hundred in number, had been concealed in patches of scrub oaks and cedars behind a swell of the hillside, out of view from the emigrant camp, but beside the road over which this forming procession would move. A short distance from the emigrant camp the settlers from Cedar City and the Clara valley were drawn up in double file, and between the files the procession of wagons, women and children and men passed. The file of settlers was then changed from double to single order, an armed settler by this arrangement marching on the right of each unarmed emigrant man. When the wagons and the women and children had reached the stretch of road beside which the Indians were in ambush, the signal agreed upon was given, and in from three to five minutes the Mountain Meadows Massacre was made a horrible fact of history.

Only three men escaped the first deadly assault, and these were followed to the desert and killed. Seventeen young children were all that were saved from the slaughter. From one hundred and fifteen to one hundred and twenty men, women and older children were slain, and then given but an imperfect burial.

DISPOSITION OF THE VERY YOUNG CHILDREN AND THE PROPERTY

The children that were saved were distributed among the settlers, but two years later they were gathered up by Mr. Jacob Forney, who succeeded Brigham Young as Indian agent for the territory of Utah, and were sent east where, as far as possible, they were given in charge of relatives or friends of the ill-fated emigrants, congress having in the meantime appropriated the sum of $10,000 for their recovery and restoration; but most of them were received into and cared for by a child's orphanage in St. Louis.

The property of the emigrant company was seized upon by both Indians and white men, some of it being sold in Cedar, at public auction, and referred to as the "property taken at the siege of Sevastopol." The same authority mentions a report that Lee, Haight, and Klingensmith counseled with Brigham Young "about what should be done with the property. They took with them the ready money they got from the surrender of the emigrants and offered it to Young. He said he would have nothing to do with it. He told them to divide the cows and cattle among the poor. They had taken some of the cattle to Salt Lake City when they went up, and after the talk with Brigham they sold these to the merchants there. Lee told Brigham that the Indians would not be satisfied if they did not have a share of the cattle. Brigham left it to Lee to make the distribution." Of course these were merely the rumors current in southern Utah at the time (1859) Major Carleton wrote this letter from Mountain Meadows. In his deposition admitted in evidence at the second Lee trial, on the subject of the distribution of this property, President Young said:

"Eleventh Question--Did you ever give any direction concerning the property taken from the emigrants at the Mountain Meadows massacre, or know anything as to its disposition?

Answer--No, I never gave any directions concerning the property taken from the company of emigrants at the Mountain Meadows massacre, nor did I know anything of that property, or its disposal, and I do not to this day, except from public rumor."

CHAPTER CI

RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE MOUNTAIN MEADOWS MASSACRE

Responsibility for the Mountain Meadows Massacre is a subject of gravest importance. About two weeks after the tragedy, being urged thereto by Isaac C. Haight, John D. Lee visited Salt Lake City to report what had been done at Mountain Meadows to Governor Young. According to Lee's statement, he made a full report of all that had been done. According to Governor Young's deposition at the second trial of Lee, he (Governor Young) refused to hear the story in detail.

Wilford Woodruff was present at this interview, and at the time set down in his most excellent daily journal what took place, and this may be relied upon as being more accurate than anything that would be remembered in subsequent years. Following is his record of the interview:

"29th [September, 1857]. We have another express in this morning, saying that the army are rapidly marching towards us, will soon be at Bridger, and they wish men immediately sent out. Elder John D. Lee also arrived from Harmony with an express and an awful tale of blood. A company of California emigrants, of about 150 men, women and children, many of them belonging to the mob in Missouri and Illinois, had been massacred. They had many cattle and horses with them. As they traveled along south, they went damning Brigham Young, Heber C. Kimball and the heads of the church, saying that Joseph Smith ought to have been shot a long time before he was. They wanted to do all the evil they could, so they poisoned beef and gave it to the Indians, and some of them died. They poisoned the springs of water, several of the saints died. The Indians became enraged at their conduct and they surrounded them on the prairie, and the emigrants formed a bulwark of their wagons, and dug an intrenchment up to the hubs of their wagons, but the Indians fought them five days until they killed all the men, about sixty in number. They then rushed into their corral and cut the throats of the women and children, except some eight or ten children which they brought and sold to the whites. They stripped the men and women naked and left them stinking in the boiling sun. When Brother Lee found it out he took some men and went and buried their bodies. It was a horrid, awful job. The whole air was filled with an awful stench. Many of the men and women were rotten with [unnameable disease) before they were hurt by the Indians. The Indians obtained all the cattle and horses and property, guns, etc. There was another large company of emigrants who had 1,000 head of cattle, who was also damning both the Indians and the `Mormons.' They were afraid of sharing the same fate, and Brother Lee had to send interpreters with them to the Indians to help save their lives, while at the same time they were trying to kill us. We spent most of the day in trying to get the brethren ready to go to the mountains [i. e. brethren going out to resist the approach of Johnston's army]. Brother Brigham while speaking of the cutting of the throats of women and children by the Indians down south, said that it was heart-rending; that emigration must stop, as he had before said. Brother Lee said that he did not think there was a drop of innocent blood in their camp, for he had two of the children in his house, and he could not get but one to kneel down in prayer-time, and the other would laugh at her for doing it, and they would swear like pirates. The scene of blood has commenced, and Joseph said that we should see so much of it that it would make our hearts sick."

From this statement of Woodruff's Journal, as also from President Young's own deposition in which he states that he refused to hear Lee's story in detail, it is clear that Brigham Young, unfortunately, as I think, did not then get the full account of the great crime. Also it is to be noted that John D. Lee most likely was not anxious to tell the whole story of white men's presence and responsibility in the massacre, as he had to be "urged" by Isaac C. Haight to report the affair to Brigham Young at all, although Lee was the local Indian agent, and Haight had no connection with that department. It is quite evident from Woodruff's account of the interview of Lee and Governor Young that the former did not report any white men as being connected with or responsible for the massacre.

It appears from all the circumstances that it was the intention of the white men engaged in the tragedy to place the responsibility for it upon the Indians. This is emphatically the assumption of the formal report made by George A. Smith to President Young in 1858, about one year after the event; as will be observed from the following letter which I quote entire because of the civil and ecclesiastical standing of its author; for he was not only one of the apostles' quorum in the church, but also he was a member of the legislature--to the council--from the district in which the unfortunate affair had occurred; and his letter was in the nature of a report from a member of such "council district."

LETTER OF GEORGE A. SMITH TO PRESIDENT BRIGHAM YOUNG

"Parowan, Aug. 17, 1858.

President Young,

Dear Sir--I have recently canvassed the precincts in my council district. I have been enthusiastically received, and listened to by the people, with seeming pleasure. I have gathered some information in relation to the difficulties between the emigrants and Indians, which terminated in the horrible massacre at Mountain Meadows.

It appears that the emigrants, who passed over this route last fall, conducted themselves in a hostile manner towards the Indians, as well as the citizens. While at Fillmore they threatened the destruction of the town, and boasted of their participation in the murders and other outrages that were inflicted upon the `Mormons' in Missouri and Illinois.

While camping at the sink of Corn Creek, fifteen miles beyond Fillmore, they poisoned the springs and the body of an ox which had died. The carcass of the ox was eaten by a band of Piedes from the desert, who were on a visit to the Pahvantes.

I was informed, by the people living at Meadow Creek, the nearest settlers to Corn Creek, that ten Indians died from eating this poisoned meat, and that a considerable number of cattle also died from the poisoning of the water. Some of these cattle were fat and the owners "tried them up" to save the tallow. A son of Mr. Robinson, of Fillmore, was poisoned from the handling of the meat, and died. Among the cattle that died of the poison, were some belonging to the Hon. John A. Ray. He being in Europe, Mrs. Ray attended to the saving of the tallow and was so poisoned as to endanger her life, and permanently injure her hand.

This party of emigrants consisted of some fifty or sixty men. They were attacked in the fore part of September by Indians, near what is called the `Cane Spring,' about forty-five miles beyond Cedar City, which was the most southern settlement of any importance on the way to California.

While passing through the lower settlements the emigrants boasted of their participation in the expulsion of the `Mormons' from Missouri, and threatened to stop at some convenient point, and fatten their stock, that when the United States troops should arrive, the emigrants would have plenty [of] beef to feed them with, and would then help to kill every `God damned Mormon' that there was in the mountains.

This course of conduct on their part, coupled with the rumor which they spread, that some four or five hundred Dragoons were expected through on the Fremont trail, whom they would join, caused them to be regarded by the settlers with a feeling of distrust.

When the attack was made upon the emigrant party, the Indians sent out runners to the various bands in every direction, to gather additional help. The news reached the settlement at Cedar through this means. Ahwonup, the Piede chief at Parowan, received an invitation to join the foray against the emigrants. He went to Colonel Dame, to tell him what he was going to do, upon which the colonel succeeded in inducing him and most of his warriors to abandon the project.

At this time another company of emigrants fired upon a party of Pahvantes in the neighborhood of Beaver, some thirty-five miles north of Parowan, and wounded one of them. This occurrence created so much excitement among the Pahvantes of that region, that they were determined to exterminate those emigrants, which was only prevented by a detachment of militia sent from Parowan, by Colonel Dame, who effected a compromise with the Indians, and guarded that company safely from that place to the Vegas, some three hundred miles.

No news of the attack at the Mountain Meadows had reached Parowan except the Indian rumor, until it was too late for Colonel Dame to take any measures to relieve the company, which was some sixty miles distant.

On the 6th of September I understand that rumor reached Cedar that the emigrant train had been attacked in camp by the Indians at Mountain Meadows, that several of the emigrants and Indians had been killed and others wounded, and that more Indians were gathering from various parts in considerable numbers, being very much exasperated.

Immediately upon the arrival of this intelligence, Major Haigrit dispatched some interpreters to conciliate the Indians. The interpreters left Cedar the same evening, and when they arrived the next day at the scene of the difficulty, they found the Indians in a state of intense excitement, in consequence of the killing and wounding of some of their men. The interpreters sought to conciliate them, but they threatened them with death if they did not either leave immediately, or turn in and help them, accusing them of being friendly to the emigrants, or `Mericats,' as they called them. The Indians said that if the interpreters attempted to go to the emigrants' camp, they would kill every one of them. Finding that their services could avail the emigrants nothing, the interpreters returned to Cedar, after a ride of some 80 miles on the same animals, and dallying most of the day with the Indians, and reported the condition of the camp.

On the 9th Major Haight, with a party of about 50 men, started from Cedar City to endeavor to relieve the emigrants, and arriving at Mountain Meadows the next morning, found the Indians had killed the entire company, with the exception of a few small children, who were with difficulty obtained from them. The Indians were pillaging and destroying the property and driving off the cattle in every direction; each one endeavoring to secure to himself the most plunder, without respect to the others. When they had secreted one back load in the hills, they returned and got another, thus continuing with the most unremitting energy, till everything was cached.

Major Haight and party found the bodies of the company stripped of their clothing, and scattered along the road for half a mile. The party obtained a few spades from a ranch about six miles distant, and buried the dead as well as they could, under the circumstances. The ground was hard, and the party being destitute of picks, and having but a limited number of spades, the pits could not be dug to a very great depth.

From the appearance of the camp ground the wagons, previous to the attack were scattered promiscuously, but the emigrants, upon being attacked, gathered most of them into a close circle, inside of which they dug two rifle pits.

It appears that on the 9th the Indians withdrew from the siege; that, towards evening, the emigrants left their camp and started back towards Hamblin's ranch, and that after proceeding about half a mile and one (sic!), they were again attacked and slain except the children above mentioned.

It is reported that John D. Lee, and a few other white men were on the ground during a portion of the combat, but for what purpose, or how they conducted themselves, or whether, indeed, they were there at all, I have not learned.

It is supposed that there were upwards of two hundred warriors engaged in this massacre. A large number of the emigrants were killed with arrows, the residue with bullets, the Indians being armed with guns, as well as bows and arrows.

The Indians also killed some horses and a large number of cattle which lay scattered over the plain. This was probably done in accordance with their custom requiring a sacrifice to be sent along with their departed warriors.

Some sixteen or eighteen children were preserved from death, and placed in the charge of families, where they were well cared for. The prejudice that these emigrants had themselves excited during their passage through the territory, contributed not a little to inspire in the minds of the people an indifference as to what the Indians might do, but nobody dreamed of or anticipated so dreadful a result. There were not a dozen white men living within thirty miles of the spot where this transaction occurred; and they were scattered, two or three in a place, herding cattle. Mr. Hamblin, the nearest settler, was in Great Salt Lake City at the time, and the stock at his ranch was in the custody of his children and two or three Indian boys.

It was the impression of Major Haight that the interpreters would succeed in bringing about a compromise to enable the emigrants to buy the Indians off. For the citizens to have attacked and killed the Indians, in defense of the emigrants, would have been little less than suicide, as you are well aware of the exposed condition of the southern settlers, and the annoyance to which the Indians, who had been subjected for many years by emigrants killing them, as they passed through the Indian country.

I have been told that since this transaction many of the Indians who had previously learned to labor have evinced a determination not to work, and that the moral influence of the event upon the civilization of the Indians has been very prejudicial.

Considerable improvements have been made in every settlement, except Cedar, during my absence from this district. The failure of the iron company to make iron satisfactorily has caused a large number of the operatives in that department to seek employment elsewhere, thereby much reducing the population of that city.

I have given you the substance of the information I have received from various individuals during my canvass, and I regret exceedingly that such a lamentable occurrence should have taken place, within the limits of this territory.

Your friend and well wisher,

[Signed] "Geo. A. Smith."

Three things in this semi-official communication, apart from the general implication and assumption that the deed of which it treats was altogether the work of the Indians, and those three things tend to disprove the main idea in the report that the massacre was the sole work of the Indians: These are, first, that "sixteen or eighteen children were preserved from death." This is not customary for Indians to do in war or in their murders; they do not spare children--especially of uniformly young age, as in this case; that was not the act of savages. Second, the demoralizing effect the massacre had upon the Indians: "Since the transaction [i. e. massacre] many of the Indians who had previously learned to labor have envinced a determination not to work; * * * the moral influence of the event upon the civilization of the Indians has been very prejudicial!" Inevitable consequence! For they had seen that their white neighbors, instructors in industry, had been capable of an act of treachery and savagery equal to their own, even if not more treacherous and murderous. Surely there could be no more white man's moral and spiritual influence over the red men after what the latter had witnessed at Mountain Meadows! Third, the cautious admission that "report" gave it out that John D. Lee and some other white men were present at the affair: "It is reported that John D. Lee and a few other white men were on the ground during a portion of the combat, but for what purpose, or how they conducted, or whether indeed they were there at all, I have not learned." This a year after the crime was perpetrated; and is the only indication from the whole report that white men were present at the massacre! But previous to this, and "soon after" the event, the presence of Lee and other white men at the massacre and even somewhat of their participation in it had been made known in Salt Lake City.

TESTIMONY OF JACOB HAMBLIN

Jacob Hamblin, a reputable witness, testified at the second Lee trial that "soon after it [the massacre] happened," he reported to Brigham Young and George A. Smith what Lee had told him of the affair; of the part that white men had taken in it; and that in greater detail than he had given it, or was able to give in his testimony in court, because he then more clearly remembered it; and that Brigham Young said to him that "as soon as we can get a court of justice we will ferret this thing out, but till then, don't say anything about it." All this seems to have been forgotten in the Smith "report."

It must be remembered that at the time of Hamblin's report everything was in a state of chaos in Utah; an army was within the borders of the territory on the east, the purpose of which was not clearly known; the territory was under martial law by proclamation of the governor de facto, Brigham Young; and the people were making preparations for the destruction of their settlements and another flight into the wilderness. Hamblin makes an important statement in his biography respecting the action of Governor Young in regard to this tragedy, locating the incident to be related as happening "soon after the United States Army had entered Salt Lake Valley;" and the army entered the valley on the 26th of June, 1858.

Following is the incident which occurred:

ATTITUDE OF GOVERNOR CUMMING ON THE MATTER OF INVESTIGATING THE MASSACRE

"It is generally known that the enemies of the Latter-day Saints have accused them of shielding from justice the white men, who, it was supposed, joined with the Indians in the Mountain Meadows Massacre. Mr. Cumming succeeded President Brigham Young as governor of Utah territory in the early spring, before the arrival of the United States army in Salt Lake valley.

President Brigham Young requested Elder George A. Smith to have an interview with the new governor, and learn his views concerning the Mountain Meadows Massacre, and assure him that all possible assistance would be rendered the United States courts to have it thoroughly investigated.

Brother Smith took me with him, and introduced me as a man who was well informed regarding Indian matters in southern Utah, and would impart to him any information required that I might be in possession of. He also urged upon Governor Cumming the propriety of an investigation of this horrid affair, that, if there were any white men engaged in it, they might be justly punished for their crimes.

Governor Cumming replied that President Buchanan had issued a proclamation of amnesty and pardon to the `Mormon' people, and he did not wish to go behind it to search out crime.

Brother Smith urged that the crime was exclusively personal in its character, and had nothing to do with the general officers of the territory, and, therefore, was a fit subject for an investigation before the United States courts.

Mr. Cumming still objected to interfering, on account of the president's proclamation.

Brother Smith replied substantially as follows: `If the business had not been taken out of our hands by a change of officers in the territory, the Mountain Meadows affair is one of the first things we should have attended to when a United States court sat in southern Utah. We would see whether or not white men were concerned in the affair with the Indians.'"

PRESIDENT YOUNG'S OWN ANSWER TO ALLEGED DELAY OF ACTION IN THE CASE

The reasons for Brigham Young not acting more promptly and vigorously in the matter, and the general conditions then prevailing in the territory are thus stated by himself in his deposition admitted in evidence at the second Lee trial:

"Twelfth Question--Why did you not, as governor, institute proceedings forthwith to investigate that massacre, and bring the guilty authors thereof to justice?

Answer--Because another governor had been appointed by the president of the United States, and was then on the way to take my place, and I did not know how soon he might arrive, and because the United States judges were not in the territory. Soon after Governor Cumming arrived, I asked him to take Judge Cradlebaugh, who belonged to the southern district, with him and I would accompany them with sufficient aid to investigate the matter and bring the offenders to justice."

PRESIDENT YOUNG'S REPORT TO THE INDIAN DEPARTMENT

It is often charged that Brigham Young made no report of this massacre to the government; he at least made such report of it as John D. Lee, in his capacity as farmer to the Indians in the locality where the event occurred, sent to him in writing. Governor Young had made a report on general conditions and current accounts to the Indian department at Washington on Sept. the 12th, 1857. Lee supplemented his verbal report to Governor Young--already considered,--by a written one from Harmony, his home in Iron county, under date of November 20th, 1857, in which the Lee version of the massacre was given.

The written report of Lee so far as it relates to the Arkansas company of emigrants is as follows:

"HARMONY, WASHINGTON CO., U. T., November 20th, 1857.

To His Excellency Governor B. Young. Ex-Officio and Superintendent

of Indian Affairs:

DEAR SIR:--My report under date, May 11th, 1857, relative to the Indians over whom I have charge as farmer, showed a friendly relation between them and the whites, which doubtless would have continued to increase had not the white mans (sic!) been the first aggressor, as was the case with Captain Fancher's company of emigrants, passing through to California about the middle of September last, on Corn Creek, fifteen miles south of Fillmore City, Millard county. The company there poisoned the meat of an ox, which they gave the Pahvant Indians to eat, causing four of them to die immediately, besides poisoning a number more. The company also poisoned the water where they encamped, killing the cattle of the settlers. This unguided [sic!] policy, planned in wickedness by this company, raised the ire of the Indians, which soon spread through the southern tribes, firing them up with revenge till blood was in their path, and as the breach, according to their tradition was a national one, consequently any portion of the nation was liable to atone for that offense.

About the 22nd of September, Captain Fancher and company fell victims to their wrath, near Mountain Meadows; their cattle and horses were shot down in every direction, their wagons and property mostly committed to the flames."

Then in an official letter to Hon. James W. Denver, commissioner of Indian affairs, Washington City, D. C., under date of January 6th, 1858, Governor Young as superintendent of Indian affairs, quoted as follows from Lee's report:

"`About the 22nd of September, Captain Fancher & Co. fell victims to the Indians' wrath near Mountain Meadows. Their cattle and horses were shot down in every direction; their wagons and property mostly committed to the flames."

This quotation the governor followed by the following comments:

"Lamentable as this case truly is, it is only the natural consequence of that fatal policy which treats the Indians like the wolves, or other ferocious beasts. I have vainly remonstrated for years with travelers against pursuing so suicidal a policy, and repeatedly advised the government of its fatal tendency. It is not always upon the heads of the individuals who commit such crimes that such condign punishment is visited, but more frequently the next company that follows in their fatal path become the unsuspecting victims, though peradventure perfectly innocent."

THE PASSAGE OF "DUKE'S TRAIN" THROUGH UTAH UNDER MILITIA PROTECTION

Following the ill-fated Arkansas company, came one several days later of about the same size, captained by a man of the name of ------ Duke, and hence it was known as "Duke's Train." They had some trouble with the Indians near Beaver. Lee's written report to Governor Young, which mentions the Mountain Meadows affair--quoted above--states that Duke's company "had many of their [the Indians] men shot down near Beaver City; and had it not been for the interposition of the citizens at that place, the whole company [Duke's] would have been massacred by the enraged Pahvantes." From this place they were protected by military force, by order of Colonel W. H. Dame, through the territory, besides providing the company with interpreters, to help them through to the Las Vegas. On the Muddy, some three to five hundred Indians attacked the company, while traveling, and drove off several hundred head of cattle, telling the company that if they fired a single gun that they would kill every soul. The interpreters tried to regain the stock, or a portion of it, by presents, but in vain. The Indians told them to mind their own business, or their lives would not be saved. "Since that occurrence no company has been able to pass without some of our interpreters to talk and explain matters to the Indians."

Hon. George A. Smith also reports this second company:

"At this time [i. e., about the time of the massacre] another company of emigrants fired upon a party of Pahvantes in the neighborhood of Beaver, some thirty-five miles north of Parowan, and wounded one of them. This occurrence created so much excitement among the Pahvantes of that region, that they were determined to exterminate those emigrants, which was only prevented by a detachment of militia sent from Parowan by Colonel Dame who effected a compromise with the Indians, and guarded that company safely from that place to the Vegas, some three hundred miles."

This company is also spoken of by Jacob Hamblin, and he it was who selected the interpreters to go with the emigrants through the Indian country. The Indian tribes on the Muddy, however, taxed Duke's company heavily in cattle for the otherwise peaceful passage through their country, taking from them four hundred and eighty head, but the company continued its journey in safety to California, while the two interpreters, "Brothers Knight and Leavitt," who had safely conducted them beyond danger, returned to the Santa Clara settlements. "As soon as possible," says Hamblin's Narrative, "I talked with the principal Indians engaged in this affair, and they agreed that the stock not killed should be given up. I wrote to the owners in California, and they sent their agent, Mr. Lane, with whom I went to the Muddy, and the stock was delivered to him as the Indians had agreed."

Still later in the autumn of 1857, Hamblin piloted safely through the southern Indian country a company made up chiefly of merchants who had been doing business in Salt Lake City; but who, not desiring to be involved in the difficulties between the "Mormons" and the United States, then pending, were now fleeing to the eastern states via California and the Isthmus of Panama. The company carried with them a letter from Brigham Young to Hamblin directing him to see that the company was safely conducted to California, which was done.

FORNEY'S REPORT ON WHITE MEN BEING RESPONSIBLE FOR THE MASSACRE

When the new United States judiciary for the territory of Utah, who, with Alfred Cumming as governor of the territory, were finally installed in their offices; and when through the investigation of Indian Agent Jacob Forney he reported that "the massacre in question was concocted by white men and consummated by whites and Indians," it could but follow that the judiciary would seek to bring to judgment the guilty parties, notwithstanding the attitude assumed by Governor Cumming in refusing to investigate the matter as represented by Jacob Hamblin, and President Young. Accordingly Judge Cradlebaugh, to whom was assigned the southern judicial district, and who held his first term of court at Provo, opening on the 8th of March, 1859, called the attention of the grand jury he impannelled to the Mountain Meadows Massacre and also to some other homicides that had been committed at Springville, in Utah county. "To allow these things to pass over gives a color as if they were done by authority," said the judge significantly and accusingly; and then added:

"The very fact of such a case as that of the Mountain Meadows shows that there was one person high in the estimation of the people, and it was done by that authority; and this case of the Parrishes [The Springville homicides] shows the same; and unless you do your duty, such will be the view that will be taken of it. You can know no law but the laws of the United States and the laws you have here. No person can commit crimes and say they are authorized by higher authorities, and if they have any such notions they will have to dispel them."

This was proceeding upon an unwarranted assumption, and of course gave offense. The grand jury not moving with that alacrity in these matters that the impatience of the judge demanded, after two weeks in session, and while still in deliberation, they were summoned into court, roundly lectured by his honor and summarily discharged "as an evidently useless appendage of a court of justice." The judge announced that the court would "think of the propriety of venireing another grand jury," and concluded as follows:

"When this people [meaning the Mormons] come to their reason, and manifest a disposition to punish their own high offenders, it will be time to enforce the law also for their protection. If this court cannot bring you to a proper sense of your duty, it can at least turn the savages in custody loose upon you."

The grand jury failing to indict according to the suggestions of the judge of the district, the court proceeded to issue bench warrants based upon sworn information, and the United States marshal for the territory aided by a military posse made some arrests of parties charged with committing the Springville homicides, and doubtless a like policy was intended to be pursued with reference to the perpetrators of the Mountain Meadows Massacre.

In the evident furtherance of such a project Judge Cradlebaugh, after closing his term of court at Provo, accompanied by a small detachment of United States troops, commanded by Captain Reuben P. Campbell, and by a deputy marshal, visited the southern part of the territory, including the Santa Clara valley, Mountain Meadows, Cedar City and all the surrounding settlements. En route the judge met the Indian Agent Forney returning from his investigations, with the surviving children of the massacre. Forney gave to Judge Cradlebaugh the names of a number of white men reported to be prominent in the affair at the Meadows. The judge and his deputy marshal made inquiries among the Indian tribes of the Santa Clara, and of the people at Cedar, and surrounding settlements, with the result that a formidable list of the names of men prominent in military, civil, and ecclesiastical life were enrolled as being connected with the tragedy. At this juncture, however, Captain Campbell's command was recalled by the commanding General A. S. Johnston, as by instruction from the war department at Washington, "the services of the army in connection with the civil affairs of this territory--are to be invoked only to assist in the `execution of the sentences of the law, or the judicial decrees of the court;' and then only on the written application of the governor when the service of a civil posse are found to be insufficient." This put an end to the judge's overzealous civil-military activities as associate justice of Utah. He soon afterwards was appointed over the judicial district that included Carson valley, where he became one of the prime movers in the creation of the territory of Nevada from the western half of Utah, and was twice elected delegate to congress from the new territory; and in the national house of representatives continued his anti-"Mormon" attacks upon the leaders of the Church of the Latter-day Saints in the matter of the Mountain Meadows affair.

Of this Cradlebaugh effort to probe into the Mountain Meadows affair, Agent Forney, who, earlier in the summer of 1859, had been zealous in the support of Judge Cradlebaugh, in a letter to the commissioner of Indian affairs at Washington, in August, wrote:

"I fear, and I regret to say it, that with certain parties here there is a greater anxiety to connect Brigham Young and other church dignitaries with every criminal offense than diligent endeavor to punish the actual perpetrators of crime."

That continued to be the sentiment of those who manifested any interest in the matter of the Mountain Meadows affair; but fourteen years will pass away before another official agitation of the matter occurs, and eighteen years before the most conspicuous leader in that horrible crime is led to the Mountain Meadows by officers of the law and the death sentence of the court executed upon him at the scene of his great crime. Of all those who participated in the massacre he alone was brought to execution. How meager the retribution in this world when weighed against the repulsive perfidy practiced against those emigrants, and the largeness of the crime! But the end is not yet--"the murderer hath never forgiveness:" "Vengeance is mine, I will repay, saith the Lord;" and in his own time and way he will doubtless be the minister of his own retribution. "Some men's sins are open before hand, going before to the judgment, and some men they follow after." This much, and only this need to be said here, both in respect of this great crime of the Mountain Meadows and of other deeds of blood perpetrated in those troubled, and unsettled years of Utah's history, when men's worst passions were highly wrought upon by memories of past injustice, and by threatening portents of oppression yet to come--of all this it will be enough to say, let the finger of accusation point at whom it may, and the just verdict of history pronounce guilty whom it will, this much I hold to be clear, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints bears no stain, and carries no responsibility for bloodshed at any time or any place. Her law was announced from the beginning, by the Son of God, saying:

"Behold, I speak unto the church. Thou shalt not kill; and he that kills shall not have forgiveness in this world, nor in the world to come. And again I say, thou shalt not kill, but he that killeth shall die. * * * And it shall come to pass, that if any person among you shall kill, he shall be delivered up and dealt with according to the laws of the land; for remember that he hath no forgiveness, and it shall be proven according to the laws of the land."

Such the law of the church, and whosoever has violated that law of God or whosoever shall violate it in the future, he and not the church which forbids his wickedness, is responsible to God and to the laws of the land for his crime. And when Brigham Young said to Jacob Hamblin, after he had listened to the latters report of the part Lee and other white men had taken in the crime, "As soon as we can get a court of justice, we will ferret this thing out, but until then don't say anything about it;" and when later Brigham Young sent Jacob Hamblin and George A. Smith to Governor Cumming--as already detailed in this chapter, to "learn his views concerning the Mountain Meadows Massacre, and assure him that all possible assistance would be rendered to United States courts to have it investigated;" and when Brigham Young, soon after Governor Cumming arrived in Utah, went to him and "asked him to take Judge Cradlebaugh, who belonged to the southern district, with him," and that he [Brigham Young] would also "accompany them with sufficient aid to investigate the matter and bring the offenders to justice"--when President Young did these several things he had up to that time fulfilled his moral obligations to the church and to the state.

In 1870, through some representations made by Elder Erastus Snow and Bishop L. W. Roundy, who had been meantime investigating the crime of the Mountain Meadows, President Brigham Young became convinced of the absolute responsibility of John D. Lee in that affair. Also of Isaac C. Haight's responsibility for failing to restrain Lee and to take prompt action against him, since he was Lee's superior officer in the church. These representations were made to President Brigham Young on the occasion of his visit to the southern settlements in the aforesaid year of 1870; and on his return to Salt Lake City the matter was taken up at the meeting of the twelve apostles, the facts laid before them, and "President Young himself proposed, and all present unanimously voted, to excommunicate John D. Lee and Isaac C. Haight." "President Young gave instructions at that time that John D. Lee should, under no circumstances, ever be again admitted as a member of the church."

Later, when some of the accused were before the secular court, and Lee was tried and found guilty, Sumner Howard, the prosecuting attorney, in closing his plea in the case against Lee, said:

"He had had all the assistance any United States official could ask on earth in any case. Nothing had been kept back, and he was determined to clear the calendar of every indictment against any and every actual guilty participator in the massacre, but he did not intend to prosecute any one that had been lured to the Meadows at the time, many of whom were only young boys and knew nothing of the vile plan which Lee originated and carried out for the destruction of the emigrants."

The report of the deed, at the time it was committed, sent a thrill of horror through the whole community of Utah, and when later developments compelled the belief that white men had taken the leading part in the betrayal and murder of the emigrants, sorrow, humiliation and a sense of shame prevailed. Perhaps the best description of the attitude of mind, and the sentiments of the Latter-day Saints towards this most unfortunate, pitiful and disgraceful affair, was voiced by the late President John Taylor when he said:

"I now come to the investigation of a subject that has been harped upon for the last seventeen years, [this in 1874] viz: The Mountain Meadows Massacre. That bloody tragedy has been the chief stock in trade for the above named time, for penny-a-liners, the press, and pulpit, who have gloated in turns, and by chorus, over the sickening details. Do you deny it? No. Do you excuse it? No. There is no excuse for such a relentless, diabolical, sanguinary deed. That outrageous infamy is looked upon with as much abhorrence by our people as by other parties, in this nation or in the world; and at its first announcement, its loathing recital chilled the marrow and sent a thrill of horror through the breasts of the listeners. It was most certainly a horrible deed; and like many other defenseless tragedies, it is one of those things that cannot be undone. The world is full of deeds of crime and darkness; and a question often arises, who is responsible therefor? It is usual to blame the perpetrators. It does not seem fair to accuse nations, states and communities of deeds perpetrated by some of their citizens, unless they uphold it."

And this the Latter-day Saints have never done with respect of this massacre at Mountain Meadows, or other homicides which unhappily have been committed in their communities.

NOTE

A FANCHER INCIDENT

Elder Orson F. Whitney, author of a four volumned History of Utah also the author of A School History of Utah, under the title The Making of a State, very kindly prepared for the writer of this History the following statement of a "Fancher Incident," which shows that family prejudice even may not always blind men to truth.

STATEMENT BY ELDER ORSON F. WHITNEY

"On the 24th and 25th of August, 1912, in company with Elder Joseph W. McMurrin, I attended the Latter-day Saint Big Horn stake conference, held at Cowley, Wyoming. During one of the meetings connected with the conference a young man named Fancher, who I believe was clerk of the stake, was invited to the stand to address the congregation. He was about to resign his office, and remove to California, and this was his farewell address to the Latter-day Saints in Big Horn, with whom he had been identified as a member of the church for several years. He had come from Arkansas originally, and in Davis county, Utah, had fallen in with a `Mormon' family who were about moving to Wyoming. He accompanied them, and subsequently married a `Mormon' girl, became a convert to her faith, and rendered valuable service as a member of that stake. He was a relative of Captain Fancher, who was killed at Mountain Meadows in 1857, and at one time had shared the bitter prejudice felt by the family toward the `Mormon' people. He had become convinced, however, that the church was in no way responsible for the awful affair at the Meadows, and that the people, excepting a few hot-headed zealots, who had joined with the Indians, were innocent of any participation in the crime. His conversion to the gospel was genuine. His father, on learning what he had done, disowned him, accounted him as one dead, and would not have his name mentioned in his hearing. Young Fancher wept at this point in his recital, and the whole congregation was visibly affected. He went on to say that he was not leaving because he had lost his faith; it was stronger than ever, and he hoped to continue faithful to the end. But his father, who now lived in California had softened toward him and had sent for him, needing his help in the management of his property. As none of his brothers were willing to go, he felt it his duty to rejoin his father and be with him in his declining years. He therefore resigned his office and parted regretfully from his many friends in that stake.

It was evident that he was held in high esteem by the authorities and the people in general, whose good wishes, he was assured, would follow him to his new place of residence."

CHAPTER CII

THE "UTAH WAR" PERIOD: AGITATION AGAINST THE REAPPOINTMENT OF BRIGHAM YOUNG FOR GOVERNOR--COLONEL STEPTOE

We have now to treat of political matters, and their relationship to that

event which is variously known in Latter-day Saint Church annals as "The Utah War;" or "The Echo Canon War," and by one pro-"Mormon" writer (Tullidge) as "Buchanan's Blunder." In the United States government official reports it is most frequently referred to as "The Utah Expedition;" though the military force is often referred to in official documents as "The Army for Utah." Anti-"Mormon" writers usually refer to the event as "The Mormon War." (Linn, Waite, et al), and one (Waite) quotes the saints as calling it--hough I have found no confirmation of the alleged quotation--"Buchanan's Crusade."

ALLEGED PURPOSES OF THE "WAR"

The "war," if so it may be designated, was waged on the part of the general government for the maintenance of the supremacy of the federal authority in the territory of Utah, which Buchanan's administration had been led to believe, or feigned to believe, was questioned in Utah; and against which, it was also led to believe, albeit on insufficient grounds, a substantial rebellion existed. On the part of the Latter-day Saints, then constituting practically the whole population of the territory, the "war" was waged, in defense of the American principle of the right of local self-government, of community self-preservation, though the resistance to the federal manifestation of force may not have been described at the time by such political terms. The narrative as it develops, however, will plainly demonstrate the accuracy of the above statement.

GROUNDS OF OPPOSITION AGAINST GOVERNOR YOUNG

Brigham Young's first term as governor of Utah would expire in 1854. Naturally there was a strong desire in the territory for his reappointment, and Dr. Bernhisel at Washington was urging it to the extent of his ability, aided by such friends as he could bring to his support. Meantime, however, a very widespread and bitter prejudice had arisen against the saints in Utah owing to the report of the "run-a-way officials"--Brocchus, Brandebury, Harris and Day--followed, as it had been, by the official announcement of the church respecting the doctrine and practice of plural marriage. There was, therefore, a strong feeling throughout the country that a non-"Mormon" should be appointed governor of Utah, together with new judges, to be accompanied by a sufficient military force to enable them to "execute the laws of congress."

"I deeply regret to inform you," wrote Delegate Bernhisel to Franklin D. Richards, "that the president finally declined to reappoint Governor Young to the office he now holds. Lieutenant Steptoe is the appointee." "The colonel," he adds, "sustains a high character here [i. e. in Washington], and numbers among his friends the honorable secretary of war [Jefferson Davis]. Since Governor Young's reappointment could not be secured, which is a source of profound regret to us all, I know of no one who, I suppose, would be more acceptable than Colonel Steptoe, but his friends here believe he will not accept.

Colonel E. J. Steptoe and his command arrived in Salt Lake valley on the 31st of August, 1854. The command consisted of two companies of artillery and one of infantry, numbering about 175 soldiers, and about 150 employees or quartermaster's men, 100 wagons, and 1,000 head of horses and mules. Ostensibly the command was en route for California. Bancroft states that Colonel Steptoe had been given orders "to arrest and bring to trial the perpetrators of the Gunnison massacre," and we have already seen that he was present with part of his command at the trial and the conviction of some of the Indians engaged in that lamentable affair. It is also possible, however, that Steptoe's command came in response to the sentiment and the agitation in the east noted in Orson Spencer's communication to which reference has been made. At any rate the colonel of the command was the administration's appointee for the office of governor of the territory, and he was so soon followed by the other appointees of the Pierce administration, that the coming of the military force could easily have been made to serve the purpose of the eastern demand for such a thing. Fortunately, however, Colonel Steptoe seems to have judged that there was no occasion for such a turn to affairs; but on the contrary seemed very well pleased with conditions as he found them in Utah; so well, in fact, that he never presented his credentials if he brought them with him, and never claimed the office to which he had been appointed. On the contrary he joined with all the other officers of his command, with all the federal appointees, and all the leading non-"Mormon" merchants of Salt Lake City, in asking that Brigham Young be reappointed governor of the territory and superintendent of Indian affairs, and the following petition was addressed to President Franklin Pierce:

PETITION

"To His Excellency Franklin Pierce, President of the United States:

Your petitioners would respectfully represent, that whereas Governor Brigham Young possesses the entire confidence of the people of this territory, without distinction of party or sect; and from personal acquaintance, and social intercourse, we find him to be a firm supporter of the Constitution and laws of the United States, and a tried pillar of republican institutions; and having repeatedly listened to his remarks, in private as well as in public assemblies, do know he is the warm friend and able supporter of constitutional liberty, the rumors published in the states to the contrary notwithstanding; and having canvassed to our satisfaction, his doings as governor and superintendent of Indian affairs, and also the disposition of the appropriations for public buildings for the territory, we do most cordially and cheerfully represent that the same has [been] expended to the best interest of the nation; and, whereas, his reappointment would better subserve the territorial interest than the appointment of any other man, and would meet with the gratitude of the entire inhabitants of the territory, and his removal would cause the deepest feelings of sorrow and regret; and it being our unqualified opinion based upon the personal acquaintance which we have formed with Governor Young, and from our observation of the results of his influence and administration in this territory, that he possesses in an eminent degree every qualification necessary for the discharge of his official duties and unquestioned integrity and ability, that he is the most suitable person that can be selected for that office.

We therefore take great pleasure in recommending him to your favorable consideration and do earnestly request his reappointment as governor and superintendent of Indian affairs for this territory."

The foregoing petition was drawn up and signed on the 30th of December. Somewhat earlier in the month, the 21st, the territorial legislature unanimously memorialized the president and the United States senate to the same effect, representing that the petitioners and "their constituents unanimously wish and fervently desire the reappointment of his excellency, Brigham Young."

STRONG FOR THE RIGHTS OF LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT

CHC, Vol.4, Ch.102, Pg.185

While the reappointment of Governor Young was in suspense, and it was thought likely that some one else, and that some one else not to the people's liking, would be appointed, there were some rather vigorous things said by leading men of the territory by way of protest in relation to an administration in a republican government that would appoint officers in a territory without regard to the wishes of the people. Brigham Young was among those who assailed this injustice and this un-American principle, and as early as June, 1853, and again in February, 1855, he asserted his intention to reprove United States officers who imposed upon the people, as he had in the case of Judge Brocchus. In this connection nearly every non-"Mormon" writer has done Brigham Young a great injustice in representing that he expressed his determination to be governor of Utah in defiance of the federal appointing power. The first passage on which the garbling process is used and the injustice done is in respect of a statement made by Brigham Young in June, 1853:

"We have got a territorial government, and I am and will be the governor, and no power can hinder it until the Lord Almighty says, `Brigham, you need not be governor any longer,' and then I am willing to yield to another."

This, however, should be read in connection with a preceding paragraph in the discourse, to wit:

"As for this people, and as for the disturbances and reports of the returned judges (Brandebury and Brocchus); as for the say so of one nation, or of all the nations upon the earth, I am entirely unconcerned. * * * but I hope one thing concerning this kingdom of God, which is established upon the earth [i. e. meaning here the Church of the Latter-day Saints] that they will turn neither to the right nor to the left, but maintain continually a steady, unslackened pace to build up the cause of truth: and let small men, or large men, officers of states, emperors, kings or beggars, say or do what they please, it is all the same to the Almighty. The king upon his throne, the president in his chair, the judges upon the bench, and the beggar in the street, are all overruled in their actions by the Almighty God of heaven and earth. Who can successfully fight against him?"

MISREPRESENTATION OF GOVERNOR YOUNG'S ATTITUDE

Strong in this conviction he also said in this same discourse--"I have no fears whatever of Franklin Pierce excusing me from office, and saying that another man shall be the governor of this territory." And then again--"I care not what may come, I will do the work the Lord has appointed unto me; you do the same and fear not, for the Lord manages the ship of Zion, and on any other ship I do not wish to be."

The press of the United States having made much of the garbled reports of this discourse sent to the east by unconscionable scribblers, President Young in February, 1855, made the following comment both upon the fact of the misrepresentations and of his former remarks:

"The newspapers are teeming with statements that I said, `President Pierce and all hell could not remove me from office.' I will tell you what I did say, and what I now say; the Lord reigns and rules in the armies of the heavens, and does his pleasure among the inhabitants of the earth. He sets up a kingdom here, and pulls down another there at his pleasure. He walks in the midst of the people, and they know it not. He makes kings, presidents, and governors at his pleasure; hence I conclude that I shall be governor of Utah territory, just as long as he wants me to be; and for that time, neither the president of the United States, nor any other power, can prevent it. Then, brethren and sisters, be not worried about my being dismissed from office; for when the president appoints another man to be governor of Utah territory, you may acknowledge that the Lord has done it, for we should acknowledge his hand in all things. All people are in the hands of the Almighty, and he governs and controls them, though they cannot perceive, neither do they acknowledge, his handy work. He exalts the president to be the head of the nation, and places kings upon their thrones. There is not a man that escapes his cognizance, and he brings forth his purposes in the latter days. "

With this light thrown upon the passage under question it is very clear that Brigham Young was not asserting any defiance of the federal appointing power at Washington, but merely acknowledging the hand of God in the affairs of men and of states; and was expressing his confidence that he would remain in his place as governor as long as the Lord sought proper to sustain him there; not, I believe, an attitude of mind that does great violence to common theistic notions or sentiments.

COLONEL STEPTOE'S STANDING IN UTAH

Relative to Colonel Steptoe and his reported appointment as governor of Utah, Brigham Young, while holding that "the people should have officers of their own choice," said of Colonel Steptoe:

"If the gallant gentleman who is now in our midst had received the commission of governor of this territory, as was reported, and had accepted it, I would have taken off my hat and honored the appointment; and this people would have been just as passive and submissive to him as they could be to me. That I will warrant and vouch for. If they wish to send a governor here, and he is a gentleman, like the one I referred to, every heart would say, `Thank God, we have a man to stand at our head in a gubernatorial capacity; a man who has got a good heart, and is willing that we should enjoy the federal rights of the Constitution as well as himself.' I am with all such men, heart and hand. But for a man to come here and infringe upon my individual rights and privileges, and upon those of my brethren, will never meet my sanction, and I will scourge such an one until he leaves; I am after him. But I will, say, to the praise of the gallant gentleman referred to, if there was going to be a gentleman called upon to be our governor, there is not a man, out of the kingdom of God [i. e. the Latter-day Saints Church], that I would listen to sooner, and feel more confidence and cordiality towards, than to him. I wish this meed of praise could be awarded every officer in the government, but it cannot."

It having been reported that Governor Young had been deposed and Colonel Steptoe appointed governor in his place, Elder Orson Hyde wrote the Deseret News:

"So far as I am acquainted, there is no man in the territory, outside the church, who shares, more liberally, the respect and confidence of her citizens than the colonel. There are those, however, that are equally well respected.

Colonel S. is not obliged to accept his appointment; and it remains to be seen whether he entertains a similar respect for popular sovereignty and the known wishes of the great mass of the citizens of the territory to that which they entertain for him."

THE AMERICAN RIGHT OF "LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT"

It was not to Colonel Steptoe, then, that objection was made by the people of Utah, but objection to the appointment of any person that was not the choice of the people. Previous to the publication of Hyde's comment the Deseret News editorially had said:

"In a republican government so liberal, and professedly enlightened, as that of the United States, a person might reasonably expect to see the principle of `popular sovereignty,' the basis upon which the whole political machinery is alleged to rest, carried out to the fullest extent; and not only each state, but also each territory be left to operate untrammeled so long as they kept within the bounds of the Constitution."

In a later paragraph these reflections were indulged:

"It is not strange that our revolutionary fathers were more or less influenced by the precedents of the government whose yoke of `taxation without representation' they had so recently thrown off; but it actually is strange that, in this boasted age of progression, the very principle against which our fathers so manfully struggled should be carried out towards the colonies. This is as entirely opposed to reason, justice, and the professed principles of freedom and `popular sovereignty,' as it was in the days of the Revolution, and the perpetuity of so glaring an inconsistency can only be accounted for upon the traditionary influence, human weaknesses, delight in oppression, and love of power, even though unjustly obtained and exercised."

INCONGRUITIES OF TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT

The argument is then made that the territorial system in its practical effect amounts to taxation without representation, since the delegate from a territory to congress had no vote upon the raising or the distribution of the national revenue, which the people of a territory equally with the people of a state, pay; and the privilege of having a delegate in congress, but with no vote, amounts to little more than the privilege of petition and protest. Attention is called to the injustice of having their local legislation annulled by the national congress, in which matter the delegate had no vote. The un-Americanism of appointing officers to govern the people, rather than allowing the people to choose their own officers is pointed out. "This usuage," says the editorial, "is precisely such as Great Britain exercised towards the revolutionary colonies. All this is but cold shoulder treatment, and left handed kindness to those enterprising persons who go forth to redeem the unsettled wilds of our country; whereas a nation so wealthy, with such an extent of unoccupied domain, and withal so boastful of republicanism, should extend every possible encouragement to the permanent occupancy and improvement of new regions, and in lieu of fettering and discouraging by the arbitrary and tyrannical exercise of high-handed power, should break off every shackle, and guarantee the broadest exercise of the freedom that is consistent with the Constitution."

Respecting the people of the territory and their fitness for self-government, and the improvements that might be made in the territorial system, the News writer said:

"Who are the men who settle our territories, who make the first roads and bridges, open the first farms, build the first houses, and make the barren waste rejoice? They are the most energetic and enterprising of your citizens, and have been raised side by side with the residents of your states, to whom you vouchsafe the full and free rights of self-government, and a voice in your highest councils. And does the enterprise necessary to found a new settlement disqualify them for knowing their own wants, making their own laws and choosing their own officers? Shame on such an absurdity and a double shame on all who would put the weight of a feather upon the elastic step, and buoyant fortitude of those most loyal and intelligent Pioneers who go forth and amid hardships and privations to multiply upon American soil the happy firesides of American sons and daughters. What should be done by the parent government to foster the extending of the area of unalloyed freedom? Knock off the shackles which now bind the expansion of the full force of her territories, and to do this effectually and consistently, whenever they petition for it, and present a proper state Constitution, admit them into the Union as states, with privileges of sending at least one representative, and this, too, regardless of the number of their population.

But if this too long a stride for the short steps of `old usage,' and for `the square rule of old say-so,' begin by allowing their delegates to vote as well as a voice, expunge the usurped authority to `disapprove' their legislative inactments, and permit them to elect all of their own officers, except such as are also appointed in states, to carry out the policy and laws of the general government, and a person to look after the proper disbursement of such funds as congress should appropriate to assist the creeping child to speedily attain full stature.

If this is still requiring too sudden and great expansion of the parchment skin of old `tradition,' it does seem that the smallest amount of consistency would compel the appointing power to gratify the wishes of the people, by appointing officers of their own choice. "

One will look in vain for more cogent or stronger argument for the great American right of "local self-government" than is here set forth.

Responding to so unanimous a demand from all classes of people in the territory, including Colonel Steptoe and the officers of his command, President Pierce continued Brigham Young in office as governor of Utah. This may well be regarded as a victory for the people of Utah, a triumph for the principle of home rule, but the conflict between federal policy and the right of local self-government was by no means ended. It is next to appear in the judiciary department of the territorial government.

THE PEOPLES' RIGHT TO A LOCAL JUDICIARY

The organic act of Utah passed by the national congress provided that the judiciary of the territory should be vested in a supreme court, district courts, probate courts, and justices of the peace. The supreme court was to consist of the chief justice and two associate justices, any two of whom constituted a quorum. The jurisdiction of the several courts provided for, both appellate and original, "and that of the probate courts, and of justices of the peace, shall be as limited by law;" with the proviso that justices of the peace should not have jurisdiction when the title to boundaries of land was in dispute, or where a debt or sum claimed in suit should exceed one hundred dollars; and provided also that the said supreme and district courts respectively should possess chancery as well as common law jurisdiction.

Leaving the jurisdiction of the several courts, except for the provisos named, to be "as limited by law," gave the general assembly of the territory its opportunity to secure for the probate courts which by the organic act the legislature was left to create and provide with officers, as wide a jurisdiction as possible. Circumstances lent themselves to such a movement. The retirement of Chief Justice Brandebury and Associate Justice Brocchus, left the territory, which had waited patiently for the machinery of government--and especially for the judiciary department--without a supreme court, and only one of the associate justices was left in the territory to transact the business belonging to the three district courts provided for in the organic act. The territory had been organized since Sept. 9th, 1850; nearly a year had elapsed before a sufficient number of the judges arrived to organize the courts; and then, before the system provided could be inaugurated, two of them left their posts, rendering that organization impossible, and leaving the territory without a judiciary except for such inadequate service as one associate justice could give. Under these circumstances, apart from any natural desire that the local legislators might have to enlarge the sphere of local self-government in the judiciary department, it is not remarkable that the general assembly did all it could to create a local judiciary that would meet the needs of the people and give something like stability to territorial judiciary affairs.

THE PROBATE COURT SYSTEM OF UTAH

Accordingly among the first measures enacted by the legislature of 1851-2--the first held under the organic act of the territory--was one in relation to the judiciary, the first section of which provided that "the district courts shall exercise original jurisdiction, both in civil and criminal cases, when not otherwise provided by law;" they were also to have a general supervision over all inferior courts to prevent and correct abuses, "where no other remedy is provided." Furthermore the act provided that "by the consent of the court and the parties, any person may be selected to act as judge for the trial of any particular cause or question; and while thus acting he shall possess all the powers of the district judge in the case." This to promote the local custom of settling difficulties by arbitration rather than by litigation; as also, doubtless, to enlarge the sphere of home rule by local officers as against government by federal appointees. In the same act, "with a view to the attainment of justice," the judiciary act proposed to dispense with all needless forms and to disregard all technical pleadings; "all technical forms of action and pleadings, are hereby abolished." This in the interest of direct and simple legal procedure--the cure for the oft insufferable "law's delay," and "the insolence of office."

The judges of the probate courts--of which there was one in each county--were elected by the joint vote of the legislative assembly, but commissioned by the governor, to hold their office for the term of four years, and until their successors were elected and qualified. The probate courts, in addition to the usual jurisdiction of probating wills, the administration of the estates of deceased persons, the guardianship of minors, idiots, and insane persons, had power conferred upon them, to exercise in their respective counties, "original jurisdiction both civil and criminal, and as well in chancery as at common law, when not prohibited by legislative enactments;" and they were to be governed in all respects by the same general rules and regulations, as regards practice, as the district courts. Clerks and recorders were provided for these courts, with directions as to procedure and reports. Said courts were to be considered as always open, but provisions were made for four regular sessions each year. A prosecuting attorney was appointed in each organized county by the respective probate judges of said counties, whose term of office was for four years, unless sooner removed by the probate judge, and until his successor was appointed and qualified. It was made his duty "to attend to all legal business in the county, in which the territory is a party, and prosecute before the probate court of his county, all individuals accused of crimes."

A territorial marshal was also provided; to be elected by joint vote of both houses of the legislature; his term of office, four years--unless sooner removed by the legislature--and until his successor was elected and qualified. Power was granted to the marshal to appoint one or more deputies in each judicial district of the territory, whose term of office was to parallel that of the marshal, subject to removal at any time, however, by the marshal at his discretion. "It shall be the duty of the marshal, or any of his deputies, to execute all orders or processes of the supreme or district court, in all cases arising under the laws of the territory, and such other duties as the executive may direct, or may be required by law pertaining to the duties of his office." The office of attorney-general for the territory was created and elected in the same manner, for the same length of time and made amenable to the same authority, as the marshal--viz., the legislature. "It shall be the duty of the attorney-general," said the enactment, "to keep his office at the seat of government to attend to all legal business on the part of the territory, before the courts, where the territory is a party, and prosecute individuals accused of crime in the judicial district in which he kept his office, in cases arising under the laws of the territory, and such other duties as pertain to his office." Provision was made for the election of a "district attorney for each judicial district, (except for the one in which the attorney-general kept his office), elected in the same manner, for the same length of time, answerable to the same authority, and directed to discharge the same duties, in the same manner, under the same limitations, in their respective districts as the attorney-general in the district in which his office was located."

These several enactments limited, as it was doubtless the intention of the legislators to limit, the United States supreme and district courts to the transaction of such legal business as related to, and that came solely under, the jurisdiction of the laws of the United States operative within the territory, and such appellate jurisdiction as the local legislators were bound to recognize.

LOCAL LEGISLATION CONFESSEDLY UNUSUAL, BUT--

Undoubtedly such legislation was unusual. But if the legislation was unusual, were not the conditions to be met unusual for Americans? And did not those conditions justify the legislation, both on account of the practical abdication of the federal judiciary, and the uncertainty of their remaining at their respective posts of duty in the future? But more than all was not this legislation justified upon the right of an American community to exercise the largest possible measure of home rule consistent with the several provisions of the Constitution bearing upon the distribution and reservation of political power as related to government?

"Judge [Leonidas] Shaver, one of the best of the jurists," says Captain Burton, "tacitly acknowledged the jurisdiction of the probate courts; that is, as established by the legislation here considered; and Judge Kinney the chief justice of the territory, under the appointment of President Pierce, asserted the legality of their jurisdiction in a judicial decision."

APPROVAL OF UTAH LEGISLATION ON THE JUDICIARY

In addition to this decision of Chief Justice Kinney, the Utah legislation had the tacit approval of the national congress, which, notwithstanding it assumed the right to annul the laws passed by the territorial legislatures, allowed this legislation to stand undisturbed for nearly a quarter of a century, when most of it was annulled by what is known as "The Poland Bill," approved June 23, 1874, but which provided nevertheless, that "all judgments and decrees heretofore rendered by the probate courts which have been executed and the time to appeal from which has by existing law of said territory expired, are hereby validated and confirmed."

TERRITORIAL MARSHAL AND ATTORNEY-GENERAL SUSTAINED

That part of the legislation considered in the foregoing relating to the territorial marshal and the territorial attorney-general was also subject to the examination of both the territorial courts and the supreme court of the United States, with the result that the legislation respecting these two officers and their functions was sustained by the supreme court. In 1874, at the request of the Utah legislature, Judge Z. Snow, at one time associate justice of Utah, and at the time of which we speak Utah's attorney-general, reviewed this legislation; and in so far as it related to the two officers here referred to, and in relation to the history of the litigation and the conclusion of the matters involved, said:

"How, then, stands this question? In 1852 the governor and legislative assembly passed a law providing for an attorney-general and a marshal, to be elected by the joint vote of both houses. Under this law these officers have been elected from that time till the present, and until about 1862 or 1863, no governor raised an objection. Then one raised the objection, but the legislative assembly stood firm. From that time till 1870 it was acquiesced in by the successive governors, each of whom had the same but no more legal authority than those who have since presided. In 1870 the courts here ruled against this law.

In 1873 the Supreme Court of the United States having the law under consideration, held it valid, saying, `The organic act is susceptible of a construction that will avoid such a conflict. And that construction is supported by long usage in this and other territories. Under these circumstances it is the duty of the court to adopt it and declare the territorial act valid.' If I am correct in saying the judgment of a court of last resort is conclusive, has not this act been declared valid?"

CHAPTER CIII

THE "UTAH WAR" PERIOD--DISAPPOINTED MAIL CONTRACTORS AND THEIR MISREPRESENTATIONS

It has already been said that the United States judges appointed by the Pierce administration were John F. Kinney, chief justice; with Geo. P. Stiles, of Utah, and William W. Drummond of Illinois as associated justices. The attitude of Judge Kinney with reference to local Utah questions has been sufficiently pointed out.

THE CLASH IN JURISDICTION OF COURTS

The first clash in respect of jurisdiction between the United States judiciary officers and the local territorial judiciary officers occurred in Judge Stiles' court in Salt Lake City, in February, 1857. The territorial marshal claimed the jurisdiction of serving writs and impaneling juries when the courts were sitting as territorial courts; the United States marshal claimed the right to exercise these functions both when the courts were sitting as federal courts and as territorial courts. Judge Stiles, inclining to the latter view, issued certain writs to the United States marshal, and when the question of jurisdiction came up in his court a number of local lawyers, led by James Ferguson, entered the court room and by boisterous conduct and threats intimidated the judge, who suddenly adjourned his court. In this imbroglio between Judge Stiles and the local lawyers, the judge's law office was raided, some of the United States court records taken possession of and certain books and papers of his office burned in an outhouse of the premises which gave color to the subsequent charges made that the United States court records had been destroyed, which, however, was not the case.

Waite, Bancroft, Linn, et al state that Stiles appealed to Brigham Young as governor of the territory to sustain him and protect him in the discharge of his duties; but he "was told that if he could not sustain and enforce the laws the sooner he adjourned his court the better." Stiles had been more or less prominent in "Mormon" affairs from Nauvoo times. In Nauvoo he held the office of city attorney and in the city council advocated the destruction of the Nauvoo Expositor . He had latterly, however, fallen into evil ways, and had been excommunicated from the church in the preceding December, by the conjoint action of a number of the apostles and a general meeting of the seventies--of which latter body the judge was a member--for immoral conduct--adultery. This loss of moral standing in the community, doubtless contributed to a lack of respect for his court, and was the cause of the indifference, on the part of Governor Young, in supporting him against the intimidation of Ferguson et al.

JUDGE DRUMMOND'S DECLARED ATTITUDE

Judge Drummond soon after his arrival in Utah, announced his intention to ignore the special powers given by legislative enactment to the probate courts of "original jurisdiction both civil and criminal, and as well in chancery as in common law;" denouncing such laws as having been "founded in ignorance;" and as having no binding effect.

That the appointment of Drummond to the bench in Utah was as much a disgrace to the administration at Washington as it was an imposition upon the people of Utah is quite generally admitted, even by anti-"Mormon" writers. "Judge Drummond's course in Utah was in many respects scandalous," writes Linn. "A former member of the bench in Illinois," he continues, "writes to me: `I remember that when Drummond's appointment was announced there was considerable comment as to his lack of fitness for the place; and, after the troubles between him and the Mormon leaders got aired through the press, members of the bar from his part of the state said they did not blame the Mormons--that it was an imposition upon them to have sent him out there as a judge.'"

IMMORAL CHARACTER OF JUDGE DRUMMOND

Bancroft refers to him as a "gambler and bully;" that "he openly avowed that he had come to Utah to make money, and in the presence of the chief justice declared: `Money is my God.'" This is confirmed by M. Remy and Brenchley in their Journey to Great Salt Lake City, who claim to have been present when the remark was made; and further say--"he added without shame, that we might note this profession of his faith in our journal." These French travelers note also that the judge was "not a very estimable character, being notorious for the immorality of his private life."

The facts are that Judge Drummond brought with him from Washington a prostitute, whom he introduced as his wife, and quite frequently had her sit with him upon the bench during the sessions of the court,--"where he administered justice in the name of the republic," remarks Remy. He had deserted a wife and a family of several children at Oquawka, Henderson county, Illinois, whom he had left in want. It was some time before the immoral status of Judge Drummond was discovered in Utah, and then it was learned through relatives of Mrs. Drummond, who inquired of him if the wife he had in Illinois was still living, to which the judge answered in the affirmative, but claimed that he had been divorced from her. This led to a letter of inquiry being sent to Mrs. Drummond conjointly by Mr. and Mrs. Silas Richards, the aforesaid relatives of Mrs. Drummond. In answering Mrs. Drummond denied being divorced from the judge, and disclosed his relations with the Carroll woman, and his general perfidy. Mrs. Drummond's letter was published in full in the Deseret News. Such was the character and conduct of this United States judge appointed for Utah! "He was constantly saying," remarks M. Jules Remy, who met the judge both at Salt Lake and at Fillmore, "to whoever would listen to him, that these laws [i. e. the laws enacted by the territorial legislature] were founded in ignorance, and that he--an open adulterer, mark--would never let slip an opportunity of protesting against the polygamy practiced in Utah." A remark made by one Levi Abrahams, a Jew convert to "Mormonism," and a shopkeeper at Fillmore, led to Judge Drummond sending his negro body servant to horsewhip the Jew. This was done and both the judge and Cato, the negro servant, were arrested for "assault and battery with intent to murder." The case was never brought to trial, the matter being in some way, not very clearly set forth, "smothered" in court; and the judge soon after removed from Fillmore to Utah county, and in the spring of 1857 went to Carson valley, ostensibly to hold court for Judge Stiles, but really to leave Utah for the east via California and the Isthmus of Panama.

DRUMMOND'S RESIGNATION AND CHARGES

In California the judge for a time created quite a sensation through the press of that state, and much bitterness against the saints in Utah was manifested in editorial comment of the period. On arriving at New Orleans Judge Drummond mailed his resignation to Jeremiah S. Black, attorney-general in Buchanan's administration, bearing date of March 30th, 1857. He stated as his reasons for resigning:

(1)That Brigham Young is the head of the "Mormon" church; and, as such head, the "Mormons" look to him, and to him alone, for the law by which they are to be governed; therefore no law of congress is by them considered binding in any matter;

(2)That he [Drummond] knew that a secret, oath-bound organization existed among all the male members of the church to resist the laws of the country, and to acknowledge no law save the law of the priesthood, which came to the people through Brigham Young.

(3)That there were a number of men "set apart by special order of the church, to take both the lives and property of any person who may question the authority of the church."

The judge also alleges--"That the records, papers, etc., of the supreme court have been destroyed by order of the church, with the direct knowledge and approbation of Governor B. Young, and the federal officers grossly insulted for presuming to raise a single question about the treasonable act.

(4)That the federal officers of the territory are constantly insulted, harassed, and annoyed by the Mormons, and for these insults there is no redress.

(5)That the federal officers are daily compelled to hear the form of the American government traduced, the chief executives of the nation, both living and dead, slandered and abused from the masses as well as from all the leading members of the church."

(6)The judge also charged discrimination in the administration of the laws as against "Mormon" and Gentile; that Captain John W. Gunnison and his party were murdered by Indians, but "under the orders, advice and direction of the Mormons;" that the "Mormons" poisoned Judge Leonidas Shaver, Drummond's predecessor; that Almon W. Babbitt, secretary of the territory had been killed on the plains by a band of "Mormon" marauders, who were "sent from Salt Lake City for that purpose; and that only," under direct orders of the presidency of the Church of the Latter-day Saints, and that Babbitt was not killed by Indians as reported from Utah.

Drummond further explains to the attorney-general that his reason for making his resignation public was "that the Democratic party"--the party with which he [Drummond] had always acted, was then the party in power, "and therefore, is the party that should now be held responsible for the treasonable and disgraceful state of affairs"--then existing in Utah territory. After telling how bravely he had endeavored to discharge his duty in Utah, though painfully admitting that he had "accomplished little good while there," he expressed it as his belief that "if there was a man put in office as governor of that territory, who is not a member of the church (i. e. `Mormon'), and he be supported with a sufficient military aid, much good would result from such a course." "But," he continued, "as the territory is now governed * * * it is noonday madness and folly to attempt to administer the law in that territory. The officers are insulted, harassed, and murdered for doing their duty, and not recognizing Brigham Young as the only lawgiver and lawmaker on earth."

DENIAL OF DRUMMOND'S CHARGES

As prompt a denial was made of the main allegations of Judge Drummond, as was compatible with the means of communication of those days--there being no railroads nor telegraph lines between Missouri river points and Utah. Curtis E. Bolton, deputy clerk of the supreme court for Utah, in the absence of William J. Appleby, the clerk, made a sworn denial of the things charged in the resignation. The judge said in his resignation that the "records, papers, etc., of the supreme court have been destroyed by order of Governor B. Young." "I do solemnly declare this assertion is without the slightest foundation in truth," wrote the deputy clerk. "The records, papers, etc., of the supreme court in this territory, together with all decisions and documents of every kind belonging thereto, from Monday, September 22, 1851, at which time said court was first organized, up to the present moment, are all safe and complete in my custody, and not one of them missing, nor have they been disturbed by any person."

Bolton also denies and disproves the discrimination in the administration of the law in cases against accused Gentiles; and concludes by saying:

"I could, were it my province in this affidavit, go on and refute all that Judge W. W. Drummond has stated in his aforesaid letter of resignation, by records, dates, and facts; but believing the foregoing is sufficient to show you what reliance is to be placed upon the assertions or word of W. W. Drummond, I shall leave this subject."

There should be added to Bolton's denial of the Drummond allegations at this point the vigorous denial of Mr. Feramorz Little, which was published in the east even before Bolton's letter was written. Mr. Little, connected with the western mail service, had arrived at Independence in the latter days of February; thence he went to Washington and New York, arriving at the latter place at the time Drummond's charges were given to the press and were creating a great sensation. Under date of April 15th he addressed a vigorous letter to the New York Herald, in the course of which he said:

"The charges of Judge Drummond are as false as he is corrupt. Before I left for the states, I was five days every week in Great Salt Lake City, and I witness to all the world that I never heard one word of the burning of nine hundred volumes of law records, etc., nor anything of that character. * * * The treasonable acts alleged against the `Mormons' in Utah are false from beginning to end. At Fort Kearney we learned all about the murder of Colonel Babbit, and do know that that charge against the `Mormons' is but another of Drummond's creations. I have but a short time at my disposal for writing, but must say, that I am astonished to find in the states, rumors against Utah. We left our homes in peace, dreaming of no evil, and we come here and learn that we are the most corrupt of men, and are preparing for war."

OTHER CHARGES--DISAPPOINTED MAIL CONTRACTORS

There were also other communications sent to the east which greatly prejudiced the people of the United States against the people of Utah. These were the outgrowth of disappointed contractors engaged in the western mail service of the government. From the first letting of the contract for carrying the mails from Independence via Fort Laramie there had been great irregularity and much loss of mail, with corresponding disappointment and vexation on the part of the people of Utah and the west generally. In September, 1855, the Deseret News publishing an official list of the mail arrivals from the east, notes that only three out of its list of fourteen mails had arrived on time and thus comments on the mail service:

"The miserable manner in which 50,000 isolated citizens of the United States are supplied with mail facilities is a disgrace to the government, and a matter of inconvenience, disappointment and loss that none can fully appreciate except those who have experienced it as have the inhabitants of Utah. There is gross injustice, miserable mismanagement, and the dead weight of foul corruption and fogyism somewhere, or such long standing and well known evils would be removed.

Utah is only allowed a monthly mail from the east, and that at the best is not required to arrive until the end of the month, and must leave early on the first of the next month, thus, when it even arrives by the allotted time, (which it has not done for nearly a year) compelling correspondents and business men to omit all, or nearly all, of their answers until another month. Hence, instead of a mail even once a month, it is virtually a mail once in two months in good weather, and twice within the past nine months, once in three months."

Protests against the irregularity of the arrival of the eastern mail continued into the following summer. The June mail having been delayed for four days within forty miles of Salt Lake, on the plea of the contractors that the Weber river could not be forded, and which the citizens declared "a farm boy could have crossed with impunity," an indignation meeting was held at the Old Council House to protest against the inefficiency of the service. This on the 2nd of June: the meeting adjourned and convened again on the 14th of June when resolutions of protest were adopted and ordered printed in the New York Herald, The Mormon, New York, the Luminary, in St. Louis, and the Western Standard, in San Francisco.

THE "Y. X. COMPANY" ORGANIZATION

The irregularities of the eastern mail service led to the organization of what finally became known as the "B. Y. Express and Carrying Company," a little later abridged to the "Y. X. Company." The purpose of the movement was "to establish a daily express and passenger communication between the western states and California." The subject was agitated first at Fillmore in the winter of 1855-56, when the legislature and supreme court convened at that place. The meeting of leading men held at Fillmore adjourned to Salt Lake City, where a mass meeting was held on the 26th of January, 1856. The published roster of the officers of that meeting will disclose that it was not exclusively a "Mormon" affair. Governor Young was chosen president; Chief Justice (non-"Mormon") Kinney, Heber C. Kimball, J. M. Grant, Hon. Almon W. Babbit, Associate Justice G. P. Stiles, (indifferent "Mormon") Surveyor General W. H. Burr (non-"Mormon") Messrs. W. Bell and W. Gerish, merchants, (non-"Mormon"), and Parley P. Pratt were chosen vice-presidents. Wilford Woodruff, Orson Pratt, and W. H. Hooper (the latter a merchant) were chosen secretaries, and Geo. D. Watt, reporter.

There were speeches and resolutions upon the subject at this meeting; and on the 2nd of February another meeting was held still more enthusiastic. Balloo's band played patriotic airs, among them the Star Spangled Banner. Subscriptions for stock were opened. Governor Young took stock and individually offered to furnish 300 miles of the route. (i. e. with stations, stock, etc.). "One thousand miles was subscribed for, and the large number present unanimously voted to sustain the chartered company in carrying a daily express from the Missouri river to California, and in extending the line as fast and as far as circumstances may permit."

The formation of this company doubtless led to the very low bid of Hiram Kimball, a "Mormon," for the contract of carrying the mails between Independence and Salt Lake City, since it was designed that the mails should be carried by the "Y. X. Company," as part of its regular business. The contract was awarded to Kimball on his bid of $23,600.00 per annum, the previous contractors, a Gentile firm, Hockaday and Magraw, had received $50,000.00 per annum. It was known that the lower bid of Hiram Kimball would barely pay expenses but run in connection with the "Y. X. Company," and owing to the resources in stock, in the number and efficiency of mountain men and plains-men, and possessing exceptional advantages for organization, it was beyond doubt that the mail contractor and his ally, the "Y. X. Company" would succeed. The contract was awarded to Kimball in October and was to go into effect on the 1st of December, of the same year, and run to the 30th of November, 1860.

Meantime an enemy had been sowing tares in this fair field of enterprise. Mr. W. F. Magraw, the former mail contractor, being disappointed at his failure to secure a renewal of his contract, determined apparently to have his revenge upon the community of Latter-day Saints, whom he doubtless regarded as having united to be rid of him and his inefficient mail carrying service, of which, through their press, they had often, yet justly complained. Accordingly, Mr. Magraw wrote President Buchanan from Independence, Mo., under date of Oct. 3rd, 1856, in the capacity of "a personal and political friend." He felt it incumbent upon him to lay before the president "some information relative to the present political and social condition of the territory of Utah." "There is no disguising the fact," he continues, "that there is left no vestige of law and order, no protection for life or property; the civil laws of the territory are overshadowed and neutralized by a so-styled ecclesiastical organization, as despotic, dangerous, and damnable, as has ever been known to exist in any country, and which is ruining, not only those who do not subscribe to their religious code, but is driving the moderate and more orderly of the Mormon community to desperation."

"For want of time," he explains, he has to generalize; "but particular cases, with all the attendant circumstances, names of parties and localities are not wanting to swell the calendar of crime and outrage to limits that will, when published, startle the conservative people of the states, and create a clamor which will not be readily quelled; and I have no doubt that the time is near at hand, and the elements rapidly combining to bring about a state of affairs which will result in indiscriminate bloodshed, robbery and rapine, and which in a brief space of time will reduce that country to the condition of a howling wilderness."

One other communication on the subject of alleged "Mormon aggressiveness" is a letter from the Indian agent of the upper Platte, Thomas S. Twiss, addressed to the commissioner of Indian affairs, Hon. J. W. Denver, under date of July 15th, 1857, but calling attention to a communication of earlier date, "April last," in which the agent had called the attention of the department to the settlement being made within the boundaries of the upper Platte agency "by the Mormon church, clearly in violation of law, although the pretext or pretense under which these settlements are made is under cover of a contract of the Mormon church to carry the mail from Independence, Mo., to Salt Lake City." So much evidently repeated from the April communication. In the July letter the agent proceeds to say:

"On the 25th May, a large Mormon colony took possession of the valley of Deer Creek, one hundred miles west of Fort Laramie, and drove away a band of Sioux Indians whom I had settled there in April, and had induced them to plant corn. * * *

I have information from a reliable source that these Mormons are about three hundred in number, have plowed and planted two hundred acres of prairie, and are building houses sufficient for the accommodation of five hundred persons, and have a large herd of cattle, horses and mules.

I am persuaded that the Mormon church intends, by this plan thus partially developed, to monopolize all of the trade with the Indians and whites within, or passing through, the Indian country.

I respectfully and earnestly call the attention of the department to this invasion, and enter my protest against this occupation of the Indian country, in force, and for forcible ejection of the Indians from the place where I had settled them.

I am powerless to control this matter, for the Mormons obey no laws enacted by congress. I would respectfully request that the president will be pleased to issue such order as, in his wisdom and judgment, may seem best in order to correct the evil complained of."

This is rank misrepresentation throughout and especially as to the number engaged in and the purpose of the settlement in Deer Creek valley. With reference to the settlements to be formed along the line of the mail route it was explained at the April conference of the church of that year, held at Salt Lake City, that the purpose was "more particularly to facilitate immigration by establishing temporary settlements;" and only twenty men were called at this same conference to engage in that service.

NOTE

EVIDENCE OF THE DEATH OF HON. ALMON W. BABBITT, AT THE HANDS OF CHEYENNE INDIANS, SEPTEMBER, 1856

"We notice in the letter of resignation, of Hon. W. W. Drummond to Attorney-General Black, that he there, among other very grave charges, asserts that the Hon. A. W. Babbitt was murdered by white men disguised as Indians, by order of the authorities of Utah. In justice to the parties thus maligned, we will state that we have taken much pains to gather all the information possible calculated to throw light upon the death of our relative Mr. Babbitt, and the particulars connected with the same; and we have not a shadow of doubt but that Indians of the Cheyenne nation murdered him for revenge and plunder; and for the satisfaction of his friends who have not heard the full particulars, we will recount them briefly.

As secretary of Utah, the late and lamented Colonel Babbitt purchased the stationery and other necessaries for legislative purposes, etc., and at a proper season started it from Florence across the plains with ox teams, under the charge of a Mr. Nickols. Late in August, with only one attendant and in an open carriage, Mr. B. left Florence for Utah. Upon arriving at Fort Kearney, he there found some of his stock, his wagons, and a portion of the goods, and one man wounded from his train, being all that remained, four of the number having been killed, three on the spot and one (Mrs. Wilson) the next day after capture.

Mr. Babbitt hastened to purchase more cattle, and gathering up the remains of his freight, started the train again forward, and wrote us two several letters, stating that he would start forward himself with two attendants the day following. These, are probably, the last words he ever wrote.

Mr. Babbitt left the fort as had been arranged, and was never again seen by white men. All the emigration were ahead. He intended to reach Fort Leavenworth [Laramie] in three days, and was making good his time. Some weeks later, an Indian came in to a French trader's station with a gold watch, which bore the initials of Mr. B.'s name, and soon another came with a massive ring, which was also marked as a seal ring.

The Indians then being charged with the murder acknowledged they had done it. News was sent to the fort and Major Wharton immediately sent out a detachment in search, which found Mr. Babbitt's carriage, trunk and many valuable papers; but nothing of the unfortunate victim but a few bones.

The Indians then confessed that, having been insulted and abused by the parties in charge of the mail, and then were killed by the soldiers, a company of twelve had fallen upon Mr. Babbitt's ox team as being the first they had met, to avenge the wrong. That they had seen Mr. Babbitt arrive at the fort and knew him, (he having crossed the plains nearly twenty times) and that he was a big man, and, by killing him, they might be likely to get plunder and revenge at the same time. They had gone on ahead and lay in wait; when he passed they followed him at a distance until he had stopped, the second day in the afternoon. Then they rode down upon him, yelling and screaming. Mr. B. shouted at them and motioned them to stop and pointed his pistol at them; but they passed on and he fired at them.

Frank Rowland (a young man accompanying him) stood with his arms at his side until shot down; the other man ran away in the willows. The colonel fought like a tiger, fired all his arms, then clubbed his rifle and fought the whole twelve savages, disputing every inch, as he slowly backed up to his carriage for protection behind. He had seriously wounded several, when one, more cowardly than the others, jumped up into the wagon, and, with the tomahawk, killed a brave and noble man.

Major Wharton still has possession of the ring which he obtained of the Indians, and some other valuables and relics, found on the spot of the murder.

Mr. ------------, a French trader, has a fine gold watch which belonged to Mr. B., which he purchased of the Indians, together with some articles of minor value.

All that is now known of the murder of the late Mr. Babbitt, is obtained through the Indians themselves, who acknowledge they committed the murder.

It seems to be a very malicious charge the ex-judge is thus making against the people of Utah, without anything to justify him in doing so.

The widow of the late Mr. Babbitt is now on her return from Utah to this place. Upon her arrival, we shall, at the earliest moment, announce the receipt of anything further connected with his murder."

Mrs. Babbitt, according to the expectation expressed in the above narrative in the Oracle, arrived in Crescent City, and, under date of July 11th, 1857, addressed a letter to the New York Herald giving the results of her investigations at Fort Laramie and New Fort Kearney. Her letter appeared in the Herald under the caption:

COLONEL A. W. BABBITT'S MURDER

Interesting letter from his widow--Her melancholy investigation of the circumstances of His Death--The Cheyenne Indians His Assassins--all white men acquitted of the charge.

The story of her letter was substantially the same as that published by her brother, J. E. Johnson, in the Oracle. In concluding her letter to the Herald, Mrs. Babbitt said:

"I have not a shadow of suspicion that white men were in any way concerned in his death--the newspaper story that he was killed by the `Mormons' to the contrary notwithstanding. As an act of public justice, I ask you to lay these facts before the people, that my friends and the many friends of my husband may know the facts relative to his melancholy death."

[Signed] "JULIA ANN BABBITT."

CHAPTER CIV

THE "UTAH WAR" PERIOD: THE CASUS BELLI--THE "MORMON QUESTION" A NATIONAL PARTY ISSUE

The reader now has before him the substance of all the documents giving the "information" upon which the Buchanan administration believed itself justified in sending an army of two thousand five hundred soldiers to Utah with the necessary equipment, baggage, and supply trains; with great herds of cattle for meat supplies; with the necessary large number of servants, and teamsters; and the inevitable camp followers and adventurers that accompany such enterprises, with the attendant enormous expense of sending such an expedition through a thousand miles of wilderness, to a wilderness, there to be maintained for no one knew how long, and then to be returned through the thousand miles of wilderness at as great an expense as was incurred in getting them to their destination--surely this "Expedition" presented opportunity for "fat picking" by government contractors and justified those who named the "Utah Expedition" the "Contractors War." All this was occasioned by what the administration at Washington was pleased to regard as "the community and, in part, the civil government of Utah territory," being in "substantial rebellion against the laws and authority of the United States." For which reason the administration announced through the war department that "a new civil governor" was "about to be designated, and to be charged with the establishment and maintenance of law and order." And "your able and energetic aid," wrote the war department to General Harney,--who was first designated to command the "Expedition"--"with that of the troops to be placed under your command, is relied upon to insure the success of the mission."

THE GROUND PLAN OF THE "UTAH EXPEDITION"

This attitude of the administration was assumed, and this "Expedition" undertaken on the "information" supplied by the communication (1) of the "run-a-way judge," W. W. Drummond; this man who had outraged every principle of decency by deserting his wife and family in Illinois and placing a prostitute beside him upon the judgment seat in Utah, and whom even non-"Mormons" denounce--as we have seen--as a blackleg and a gambler; a profligate and a liar: and (2) on the communication of the disappointed and disgruntled mail contractor, Magraw; accompanied, it should be admitted, by some reports of "run-a-way United States officials," disgruntled sub-Indian agents, whose actions have been considered in a previous chapter, and by common report and the misrepresentations that have usually attached to all things connected with the Latter-day Saints. But I insist that the only foundation or excuse the Buchanan administration had for sending this armed "Expedition" to Utah was supplied by the above named two documents.

Upon these two documents, then, the Buchanan administration, without previous investigation, acted in the matter of this "Utah Expedition;" and, moreover, that administration confined itself in the main to the suggestions made in the communication of Judge Drummond, viz, the appointment of a non-"Mormon" for governor, to be supported by "sufficient military aid."

QUESTION ON THE JUSTIFICATION OF THE WASHINGTON ADMINISTRATION

And now let the situation in Utah be considered, and see if that situation was such as to justify the secret formation of such an "Expedition," much less justification for sending such an "Expedition" without first making official investigation of the charges against the Latter-day Saint community in Utah.

Respecting the phrase "secret formation of the `Expedition'," it may be asked if such a thing as "a secret `Expedition'" was possible to which the answer is, yes, under all the circumstances of distance and isolation of the community to be moved against, and the absence of other means of communication between Missouri river points and Salt Lake valley than a monthly mail; and even this was cut off for months previous to the order to form the "Expedition," and entirely suspended by formal government action in June--the mail that would doubtless have brought the news of the outfitting of the "Expedition." The postmaster at Independence, acting under instructions from the department at Washington, refused to deliver the June mail to the agents of the new contractor, because of delay in executing acceptance of the government award of contract beyond the date fixed for execution, and "the unsettled state of things at Salt Lake, rendering the mails unsafe under present circumstances."

The annulment of the mail contract, is of such importance as showing the unfair treatment of the Latter-day Saint community in Utah, that it is worthy of further consideration.

The letter from the postal department at Washington making the announcement of the disannulment is here given at length:

POSTAL DEPARTMENT'S LETTER TO HIRAM KIMBALL

"Post Office Department,

Contract Office,

June 10th, 1857.

SIR: The Indentures of Contract for the conveyance of the mails on route No. 8911--Independence, Mo., to Salt Lake City, Utah, sent for execution to the care of P. M. Salt Lake City on the 16th October, last, do not appear to have been executed by you until the 24th March following. The delay in executing and the unsettled state of things at Salt Lake rendering the mails unsafe, under present circumstances, the postmaster-general declines extending the time for execution beyond the period mentioned in the advertisement; and, therefore, declines to accept the contract executed by you. Hence your service on the route will cease.

Very respectfully,

Yr. Obt. St.

WM. H. DUNDAS

2d Asst. P. M. General.

MR. HIRAM KIMBALL,

Salt Lake City,

Utah Territory."

It will be observed that Oct. 16th is the date on which the contract was sent from Washington for execution. December the 1st was the time limit fixed in the advertisement for the execution of the acceptance. The contract mailed at Washington in the middle of October would not leave Independence until the 1st of November, and if regular schedule time was made--a thing most unlikely at that season of the year--the mail would not reach Salt Lake City until the 1st of December, the day that the time for executing the acceptance would expire. But the November mail left Independence on the 8th of November, instead of the 1st. No duplicate was mailed via Isthmus of Panama and California, and the eastern mail for November, with the postal contract, did not reach Salt Lake City until the 24th of March, 1857, the mail for that month as also for October, having been held through the winter by the old contractors at Platte Bridge. It was utterly impossible, therefore, for the new contractors to sign the acceptance of contract within the time limit. As for the second reason assigned for refusing to deliver the mail to the new contractor, viz, "the unsettled state of things at Salt Lake rendering the mails unsafe," in this the postal department was accepting without verification and acting upon the malicious suggestion of the disappointed mail contractor, Magraw, and the disreputable Judge Drummond; gratuitously, however, extending the application of "the unsettled state of things in Utah" to postal affairs, since neither Magraw nor Drummond even hinted that the postal service was menaced by the alleged "unsettled state of things." The Latter-day Saint community in Utah of that period can well demand the judgment of "history" against the administration at Washington as to whether or not they were then accorded fair treatment, nor doubt the verdict.

A DEEPER LOOK INTO THE CAUSES OF "THE WAR"

But now to look deeper into the causes, on the side of the general government, that led to this "war." It seems incredible that such an "Expedition," involving the movements of so large a body of troops and at the expenditure of millions of the nation's treasure, should have been undertaken upon the representations of a dissolute judge, and the spite of a disgruntled mail contractor; and this, too, without one step being taken to verify the truth or untruth of the representations made; and notwithstanding also the willingness and indeed the desire expressed in Utah for such an investigation, as will appear from the following editorial in the Deseret News, of the 1st of July, 1857,--twenty-three days before the first word reached Utah of the military movement the administration had set on foot. It makes for its strength, too, that the editorial is addressed to "President Buchanan and Cabinet."

ADVICE TO PRESIDENT BUCHANAN AND CABINET: DEMAND FOR A COMMISSION OF INVESTIGATION

"What, from Utah? [advice?] Ay, from Utah. And it can come from no better source, save one, and that one other the world do not seem to be very ready to hearken unto. [Source of Division wisdom.)

Editors and office-hunters are constantly dinning the ears of the president with the cry that `the Mormon problem is a knotty one;' the matter becomes exceedingly complicated; `the Mormon question is assuming a shape that will not permit its solution to be much longer delayed;' something, `hit or miss, right or wrong, must be done with Mormons;' and so forth and so on.

Now it is notorious to all who read and fairly think, that this noise and smoke are raised without the first shadow of occasion given by the people of Utah, who are quietly pursuing their peaceful and legitimate occupations, breaking no applicable law human or divine. But the universal yell is, `President Buchanan must do something with the Mormons!' Not yet knowing how long and how well he will be able to withstand the terribly clamorous and unjust outside pressure, and we being known to be on the side of economy as well as justice, we most respectfully suggest, in case he cannot withstand the pressure, that he select one or more civilians unbound by any `ism' or `isms,' if such can be found, also intelligent, strictly honorable, upright and gentlemanly, in the true sense of those terms, and send them to Utah on a short visit to look around and see what they can see, and return and report.

This is certainly fair, is very economical, and should be perfectly satisfactory to the most rabid `Mormon' eaters. But in case that should not suit the fire-eating, blood and thunder, * * * and fury, spoils-seeking, office-hunting and black-mail-levying portion of the community, we suggest to them that they send a committee from their own clans, and so long as they behave at all as white men should, we will guarantee that Governor Young and the people of Utah will treat them with more true courtesy and kindness than they have ever met with."

SENATOR STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS ON "RUMORED" CONDITIONS IN UTAH

Referring again to the documents supplied by the communications of Messrs. Drummond and Magraw, there exists good evidence that these were not regarded by the administration during the formation of the "Expedition" as rising in dignity beyond other "rumors" and "reports" that were current at the time. This remark is based upon the fact that Senator Stephen A. Douglas, the most potent factor of the political party in power, at the time, addressed a meeting in the statehouse at Springfield, Illinois, on the 12th of June, 1857, in which he characterized what had so far been heard concerning Utah as "rumor" and "report." Mr. Douglas had been requested to speak at this meeting on three subjects: Conditions in Kansas; the Dred Scott Case; "the Condition of Things in Utah, and the Appropriate Remedies for Existing Evils. "

When Mr. Douglas came to the part of his speech dealing with Utah, he said:

"If we are permitted to place credence in the rumors and reports from that country, (and it must be admitted that they have increased and strengthened and assumed consistency and plausibility by each succeeding mail), seven years experience has disclosed a state of facts entirely different from that which was supposed to exist when Utah was organized. These rumors and reports would seem to justify the belief that the following tracts are susceptible of proof.

1st. That nine-tenths of the inhabitants are aliens by birth, who have refused to become naturalized, or to take the oath of allegiance, or to do any other act recognizing the government of the United States as the paramount authority in that territory.

2nd. That all the inhabitants, whether native or alien born, known as Mormons, (and they constitute the whole people of the territory), are bound by horrid oaths and terrible penalties, to recognize and maintain the authority of Brigham Young, and the government of which he is the head, as paramount to that of the United States, in civil as well as in religious affairs; and they will, in due time, and under the direction of their leaders, use all the means in their power to subvert the government of the United States, and resist its authority.

3rd. That the Mormon Government, with Brigham Young at its head, is now forming alliance with Indian tribes in Utah and adjoining territories--stimulating the Indians to acts of hostility--and organizing bands of his own followers under the name of `Danites or Destroying Angels,' to prosecute a system of robbery and murders upon American citizens, who support the authority of the United States, and denounce the infamous and disgusting practices and institutions of the Mormon government."

Dealing with these conditions, professedly based on "rumors" and "reports," he said:

"Let us have these facts in an official shape before the president and congress, and the country will soon learn that, in the performance of the high and solemn duty devolving upon the executive and congress, there will be no vacillating or hesitating policy. It will be as prompt as the peal that follows the flash--as stern and unyielding as death. Should such a state of things actually exist as we are led to infer from the reports--and such information comes in an official shape--the knife must be applied to this pestiferous, disgusting cancer, which is gnawing into the very vitals of the body politic. It must be cut out by the roots, and seared over by the red hot iron of stern and unflinching law. *** Should all efforts fail to bring them [the Mormons] to a sense of their duty, there is but one remedy left. Repeal the organic law of the territory, on the ground that they are alien enemies and outlaws, unfit to be citizens of a territory, much less ever become citizens of one of the free and independent states of this confederacy."

It was on the 12th of June that this speech of Mr. Douglas' was delivered, be it remembered. The "Utah Expedition" had been projected some months before, and a number of its supply trains were now well on their way to Utah; and yet this foremost man of the political party in power, and spokesman for the administration, was confessing that no official evidence had yet arrived that justified any action on the part of the government against Utah, unless it was to be justified by the "rumors" and "reports" on which Senator Douglas, when they were proven true, would be willing to proceed with the drastic measure proposed in his speech!

DEMOCRATS vs. REPUBLICANS ON TERRITORIAL POLICY--THE "TWIN RELICS"

But why had the administration proceeded with the "Utah Expedition" in the absence of official, and well established evidence of the "rebellion" it feigned to believe existed, and proposed to repress? The question admits of but one answer: The Latter-day Saints in Utah were in disfavor with the populace; the Republican party, springing into existence in 1856, put forth its first candidate, John C. Fremont, a strong anti-"Mormon;" this fact, and its first platform, placed the Democratic party at great disadvantage before the country on the "Mormon" question. The Democrats had adopted the "squatter sovereignty" doctrine of Douglas relative to the settlement of the slavery question in the territories, namely, that when a territory was to be admitted as a state, it should enter the Union "with or without domestic slavery" as the people might elect. Issue was taken with this position by the Republican platform adopted eleven days later at Philadelphia, in which it--

"Resolved, That the Constitution confers upon congress sovereign power over the territories of the United States for their government, and that in the exercise of this power it is both the right and the imperative duty of congress to prohibit in the territories those twin relics of barbarism--polygamy and slavery. "

The Republican argument then ran:--If the people of a territory have the right to determine for themselves the question of slavery, why have they not equally the right to determine for themselves the domestic institution of marriage? The Democrats did not dare to follow their principle this far in the face of popular displeasure against the "Mormons," and their plural marriage doctrine; and as the people of Utah had no votes to effect the membership of either house of the national congress, or the result of a presidential election, the national administration by its "Expedition" and Mr. Douglas by his speech, took the first opportunity to show that the Democrats, no less than the Republican party, were thoroughly anti-"Mormon;" and hence this effort of the administration, and the Democratic leaders to square their party action with the demands of the popular clamor against the Latter-day Saints in Utah, must be regarded as the underlying ministration in sending its armed "Expedition" to Utah.

WAS THE "UTAH EXPEDITION" PART OF THE CONFEDERATE DIS-UNION AND PRO-SLAVERY PLANS

It has also been suggested that another cause of the "Utah War" originated in the desire of the then secretary of war, Mr. John B. Floyd of Virginia, "to scatter the United States forces and arms preparatory to the confederate rebellion." This "Utah Expedition," however, was planned so long before the opening of the war between the states, that the likelihood of it is of remote probability; though it may have been an after thought connected with the incident of the "Expedition," which resulted in the prolonged stay of the army in Utah--until the summer of 1861, by which time the war between the states had begun.

Reference has already been made to the part which the repacity of government contractors would likely play in giving encouragement to the "Utah Expedition," because of the opportunity it would afford for fortune making.

And now to take up the situation in Utah preceding the projection of the "Expedition," as suggested a few pages back, in order to ascertain if there was in those conditions any justification for such an action.

PRE-"EXPEDITION" CONDITIONS IN UTAH

First: there is the effort on the part of the Latter-day Saint community to establish the express and carrying company described in the preceding chapter, which by uniting with its express and carrying business, daily transportation of the mails, would give more frequent communication between the people of Utah and the eastern states, resulting inevitably in a closer union and a larger sympathy on the part of the people of Utah and their fellow citizens of the eastern states. This enterprise--as we have already seen--carrying with it such results, the people of Utah had undertaken with enthusiasm.

Second: we have already seen how the legislature of 1851-2, and legislatures at subsequent sessions, had petitioned the congress of the United States to establish a weekly mail between Missouri points and Salt Lake City; to build a territorial road from some northern settlement in Utah via Fillmore to southern California; that they petitioned for a geodetic survey within the territory, in continuation of Captain Stansbury's scientific work; they asked the general government to locate, grade and macadamize a national turnpike from the mouth of the Nebraska river to Sacramento, via South Pass and Salt Lake City, and this in the interest of transcontinental immigration; they petitioned for a transcontinental telegraph line and railway, via Salt Lake City. All this was practically petitioning for closer union and freer intercourse with their fellow citizens of the eastern states. If the ulterior aim of the "Mormon" leaders was isolation of their people into a distinct and separated community, then their course involving the above mentioned efforts for more frequent intercourse and closer union with their fellow citizens of the eastern states, was destructive of such a purpose.

STATEHOOD APPLICATION

Third: the year preceding the coming of the "Expedition" the people of Utah had met with a great disappointment in the matter of an application for statehood that had been planned for by the legislative assembly of 1855. Yet, in referring to that matter in an explanatory way, Governor Young alluded to it more in sorrow than in anger, or bitterness, in the following passage--from his message to the legislature--and this is his only reference to the federal government in his message of 1856:

"In accordance with acts of the legislative assembly, a Constitution was formed and adopted, the census taken, and delegates chosen to present our application to congress for admission into the Union as a sovereign and independent state. Recent advices from our delegates show that our application has not been presented, owing to the intolerance evinced by the predominant party in the house of representatives.

The enumeration of the inhabitants showed a population of near 77,000 in this territory, and it is presumed that the addition to our numbers, since that was taken, would amount to about twenty thousand. This gives an aggregate equal to or exceeding the ratio of representation for congressmen, removing every objection, if any were made, to our admission, on the score of insufficient population."

MANIFESTATION OF UTAH PATRIOTISM

Fourth: as a further means of ascertaining the spirit of conditions existing in Utah prior to this armed "Expedition" to the territory take into account the sentiments expressed at the recurring anniversary of the nation's birth--the Fourth of July. To go no further back than the year preceding the projection of the "Utah Expedition," 1856,--(the day was celebrated annually and without omission from the year of the organization of the territory, misrepresentations to the contrary notwithstanding) --the following took place:

"At sunrise the stillness of the morning was broken by firing a national salute of 13 guns from the arsenal, which was the signal for ringing of bells and hoisting of flags.

The mammoth United States flag was hoisted upon the temple block, under the direction of A. N. Hill, esq., and flags were displayed from the cupola of Governor Young's residence, at Livingston Kincaid & Co's, Hooper & Williams', Gilbert & Gerrish's and the Church Stores, Townsend's and Wilkins Hotels, and Whitehouse's Shop, together with a great variety of banners and mottos at the different stores and private residences. * * *

The bands under the direction of Major William Pitt, played at the residences of Governor Young, Hon. H. C. Kimball and Lieutenant General D. H. Wells; after which all the Nauvoo brass band, mounted, and Balloo's and martial bands, in omnibuses, passed through the principal streets discoursing beautiful and harmonious strains of music, indicating to the citizens that the anniversary of American Independence was to be celebrated with joy and thanksgiving."

There was a great procession through the streets of the city, in which Hon. George P. Stiles, associate justice of the United States supreme court, and General D. H. Burr, United States surveyor general for Utah, were given a prominent place--among the immediate guests of the governor--and saluted with the firing of cannon. At the place of speechmaking the Constitution of the United States was presented and read by Thomas Bullock "followed by three cheers from the troops and assembled multitude, a roll of drums and music by Captain Balloo's band." The oration of Governor Young was a written speech, read by Thomas Bullock. Excerpts follow:

PATRIOTIC SPEECH OF GOVERNOR YOUNG--EXCERPTS

"Brethren and Friends:

Eighty years ago, on the day we now celebrate, our forefathers, few in number but strong in their united love of right, declared to the mother country and the world that they were, `and of right ought to be, free and independent.' The oppression which hastened this declaration, the long struggle, the sacrifices and hardships which followed, and the glorious results are so generally known that I need not task your patience by rehearsing them on this occasion. * * * Glancing at the past, perhaps we, as a people, have more reason to respect, honor, love and cherish the government of the United States, her Constitution and free institutions, than any other people upon the face of the earth; but it is lamentable that professed statesmen should so far deviate from wise and correct principles of republican government, as to fail of being entitled to that respect and confidence which ought to be deserved by those entrusted with its administration. In this connection, permit the reflection as to what favorable action we are indebted for our existence as a people."

He then proceeds to acknowledge God's providence in the preservation of the Latter-day Saints, and their establishment in Utah's valleys, then continues:

"We live through the blessings of the Almighty, and by his providence we have nourished and sustained ourselves; we are willing to continue so to do. We came here to be free from oppression and mobocracy, and we do not wish such characters to follow us, or to tarry in our midst. But we say to all lovers of freedom, virtue and good order, in every land, you are welcome, for you will respect our rights; our laws, and the legitimate obligations of our republican government."

The difficulties encountered in the settlement of the Great Basin valleys are then discussed:

"But amid all these disadvantages, unendurable by any other people, we are still striving to extend the area of freedom, and to gladden the most uninviting domain of a great nation with the blessings and privileges of her free institutions.

After this the speaker holds that if the Latter-day Saints "should leave these sequestered vales, they would soon revert to their former waste condition--silence would again assert her supremacy." And then:

"The country suits us merely because no other well informed people can covet its possession. If they do, it is because they grudge us an existence upon any part of God's footstool. There is nothing here, except what is produced by the most arduous toil, and that often unrequited, to tempt the avarice or cupidity of any reasonable creature. It is useless, therefore, for official cliques who never have identified their interests with the welfare of this territory, and who never intend to, to seek to dictate, govern and control us.

In view of these facts, we fondly anticipate soon seeing the day when, in accordance with the spirit and intent of our republican government, we shall be blest with the full enjoyment of our rights and have the privilege of electing officers of our own choice, and be free from the imposition of those known to be unsolicited and unsought upon our part, and who feel no interest in our prosperity, but would much rather see us languish and come to naught."

After discussing the evil effects of lawlessness in various places manifest throughout the United States, he strikes a truly noble and patriotic vein, in a discussion of what should be the national policy:

"Here let us pause and consider the true principles of a republican government. It is and can be based only in a high tone and sense of honor, liberal, enlightened, intelligent and extended views of human existence and progress, and a faithful adherence to the Constitution and laws of the country. The least departure from these principles, the least disregard to law, manifested and exercised by the people in their sovereign capacity, and we have the worst of all despotisms, a hundred, a thousand tyrants instead of one. Public security fails and there remains no safety for life, liberty, or the pursuit of happiness; anarchy, confusion, infuriated and maddened excitement rule supreme. * * * Neither partisan nor private feeling nor sectional strife and contentions, should be permitted to thwart the enlightened and conservative policy of the government. At the same time that policy should be just and liberal, and commensurate with the laudable desires and requirements of a great and mighty people. * * * Let her steadily progress in the march of improvement and patriotism and in the arts and sciences; and corresponding with a great and pacific policy, open and extend channels of trade and commerce, and provide with a liberal hand for the development of her vast internal resources by affording to her most distant states and territories railroad facilities, magnetic telegraphs, and such other useful and important helps as shall be conducive to the public interests. "

Such the patriotic sentiments and the political principles of Governor Brigham Young, and if he had the influence with his people that is usually accorded to him, then the sentiments and the principles also of his people. And this was the governor of a territory against whom the fulminations of a Drummond and a Magraw were to prevail! Among the many toasts given on the occasion here described were the following:

"Brigham Young: The Champion of Constitutional Liberty.

Deseret--May she soon have her place in the Union as a state, and though last as a star in the galaxy of American glory, may her progress be like that of Venus, to usher in the light of freedom, commerce and intelligence, to the western world: based on the rights of universal justice, righteousness and loyalty to the federal government."

THE FOURTH OF JULY--CELEBRATIONS OF 1857

In the year 1857, even when the advanced companies of the "Utah Expedition" were upon the march--albeit unknown to the people of Utah--the nation's natal day was fittingly observed. In the account of the celebration in the Deseret News of that year the boast is made that the Fourth of July was more fittingly observed in Utah than elsewhere in the land; with less of drunkenness, fighting and confusion than in the eastern states perhaps--

"But if a true love of the Constitution and the wholesome laws of the Union, and the deep gratitude for the noble action of our forefathers on the Fouth of `76 are to be the criterion, then most assuredly and indisputably does Utah shine peerless among her sisters.

For a goodly portion of the day all business was suspended, and all offices and stores closed, that every class might participate in the parade and festivities commemorative of the eighty-first anniversary of our Independence. The stars and stripes and other flags gracefully floated over the governor's mansion, the Council House, the Deseret Store, and the Stores of Messrs. Livingston, Kincaid & Co. and Gilbert and Gerrish [non-`Mormons'].

The sky was clear, the atmosphere tempered by a delightfully coolish breeze, and the index of a deep, calm enjoyment rested upon every countenance within our view.

The military procession was imposing, and the evolution of the troops were unusually indicative of decided improvement."

The celebrations of the day in settlements outside of Salt Lake City seem to have been particularly numerous that year. The Deseret News of the 15th of July publishes the account of the celebration and gives the program of the day's proceedings in the following places: Farmington and Kaysville, Davis county; Ogden, Weber county; Grantsville, Tooele county; Pleasant Grove and Payson, Utah county. The News of the 22nd of July, gave the program and an account of the celebration in Provo, Utah county; and Manti, San Pete county. Among the toasts in these outlying settlements were the following:

"Uncle Sam: May he remember that all domestic questions must be settled by the people.

President Buchanan: May the spirit that dictated his inaugural address guide him in his administration.

President Buchanan: The people's choice--may he be governed by principle, and not by party cliques.

The Valleys of Deseret:Cradles of liberty.

James Buchanan, President of the United States: May he ever continue the friend of the `hardy Pioneer.'

The Constitution of the United States:Be all the pain to her enemies, but champagne to her friends.

The Constitution: May its broad wings shelter Utah."

A little homerule spice also found its way into the toasts, as witness the following:

"Here's to our friends who seek for office in Utah--may they continue to seek and die without finding it.

RENEWED EFFORT AT STATEHOOD--1857

Fifth: It has already been noted that an effort to secure statehood was made in 1856, a Constitution formed and adopted, the census taken, disclosing a population in the territory adequate to statehood; delegates were chosen to present the application to congress (Messrs. Geo. A. Smith and John Taylor); but they withheld it because of the manifest prejudice existing against the territory in the lower house of congress. This was but one of several efforts to gain admission into the union since the organization of the territory. The first application was made in 1849-50; in 1852 the territorial legislature memorialized congress to pass an enabling act, authorizing the inhabitants to form a Constitution and state government preparatory to Utah "taking her place beside her elder sisters in the great federal union." This request was repeated in 1853. No heed was paid to these several Memorials, but these repeated efforts to secure statehood carry with them their own comment, and argue the faith of the Latter-day Saints in the government of the United States, else they would never have sought so persistently for the admission of Utah into the American Union--their efforts to secure statehood is an evidence of their loyalty as Americans.

PURPOSE OF MILITIA REORGANIZATION AND ACTIVITY

The Utah militia had been reorganized early in the year 1857, but with no intent to offer resistance to the federal government, as is sometimes alleged, since the people of Utah knew of no impending occasion for such resistance. The reorganization was purely in the interest of affording to the many exposed settlements security from Indian depredations. On this head--and there is no other purpose urged for the efficiency of the militia--the general commanding, Daniel H. Wells, said:

"Owing to the pacific policy of Governor Young, calls for active service have been few and on a small scale, yet our past experience with the aborigines of the soil has taught us the necessity of being always ready. Pompous displays in frequent musters are no evidence of strength and efficiency. Arms and ammunition ever at hand are the stronger arguments. We should aim, as much as possible, to substitute the useful for the artificial, where but one can be had. As the negligence of one man may endanger the safety of all, so let us approach our new organization that negligence may not escape its due censure and punishment."

General Wells thanks the militia for their past service, "especially those," he continues, "who have been ready at all times, unhesitatingly to answer my calls by engaging in the defense of our frontier settlements against a brave and subtle enemy. Under the blessings of the Almighty their energetic responses have resulted in a present general peace, and terms of friendship with our uncivilized neighbors. As the good never wish for war, and the wise are always ready for it, let us continually seek that our weapons may be made bright and ready by our industry, and preserved so by a continued peace."

Nobler sentiments from a military leader, I venture to remark, will be difficult, not only to find, but to conceive.

THE BUCHANAN ADMINISTRATION AT BAR

Such then were the conditions in Utah in respect of the several things considered, and these are the things that represent the mental attitude of mind, the status of the people relative to their loyalty to the American government. And I argue from all these conditions existing in Utah, previous to the setting out of the "Utah Expedition" to suppress a rebellion that had no existence, and that, too, without even so much as a pretense of investigation, and on the questionable testimony of a discredited and dishonored judge, and a disgruntled and disappointed mail contractor, moved by malice to make their misrepresentations of conditions in Utah, was a high crime and misdemeanor on the part of the Buchanan administration of the United States government, against the Latter-day Saints community of Utah.

The matter of severely criticising an existing, or a past, administration is no evidence of disloyalty on the part of those who engage in it. The denunciation of scoundrelly United States officials, whose appointments was a disgrace to the administration who made them, and an insult to the people among whom they were sent--these criticisms and denunciations, here admitted as having been freely indulged by "Mormon" leaders, and which is quite generally relied upon by anti-"Mormon" writers to prove "Mormon disloyalty"--this right of criticism, of complaint, of protest, and of denunciation, is part of the reserved rights of the sovereign people in the United States. It belongs to the freedom of speech and of the press. It is as much the right of the people of the territories--still citizens and people of the United States though living in a territory--as of the states. It is as much the right of the "Mormon" as of the Gentile or the Methodist, or the Atheist. And I refuse to admit that the exercise of these rights by "Mormon" leaders is evidence of disloyalty to the government, or to that broader, deeper thing we call Americanism. If the test sought by anti-"Mormon" writers to be applied to Latter-day Saints, was applied to their contemporaries in New England, and in Kansas, and, for matter of that, to the east generally, some names now held in honor for the purity and strength of their patriotism would be relegated to the ranks of the disturbers of the land's peace, and numbered with the disloyal.

FIRST STEPS IN ORGANIZATION AND MARCH OF THE "EXPEDITION"

The first known steps in forming the "Expedition" were taken by the federal government on the 28th of May, 1857, when orders were issued from the war department for the gathering of "a body of troops at Fort Leavenworth, to march thence to Utah as soon as assembled," and giving directions for their equipment and general movements. As already stated the formation of the expedition was carried on with great privacy by the government. Feramorz Little while assisting in western mail matters at Independence obtained some inkling of the movements of the government through numerous men who were figuring upon securing the contracts of the government for handling the supply trains of the "Expedition." He left Independence on the first of June, with mail that had accumulated through May, scarcely convinced, however, that such a movement against Utah was afoot. At Fort Laramie Mr. Little met Abraham O. Smoot, Esq., then the mayor of Salt Lake City, going east with the Utah June mail. Between Fort Laramie and New Fort Kearney, Mayor Smoot met two or three hundred United States troops. The commander offered Mr. Smoot an escort to Fort Kearney, which was declined. A hundred miles west of Independence the Smoot party began to meet the heavy laden government supply trains. Captains and teamsters alike were reticent about their destination; they had government freight and were bound for some western post, the trains belonged to one William R. Russell, was the sum of the information that could be obtained. Arriving at Independence Mr. Russell was visited and from him it was learned that the destination of the freight trains was Salt Lake City, that they carried supplies for government troops who would soon follow. At Independence, too, while the postmaster there received the Utah mails, Mr. Smoot learned of the annulment of the Kimball mail contract. This was sad news. It meant that the "Y. X. Company" must go out of business, and accordingly its agents, under the direction of Mr. Smoot and others, proceeded to break up its stations and move its stock westward. About a hundred and twenty miles east of Fort Laramie the western-moving Smoot party met O. P. Rockwell with the Utah July mail. The information he received from the Smoot party led Rockwell to decide to proceed no further eastward, but return with the west-bound company.

At Fort Laramie, 513 miles from Salt Lake City, Messrs. Smoot, Rockwell and Judson Stoddard concluded to make a forced drive to Salt Lake City with their news of the approaching army, and accordingly they hitched up two span of their best animals to a small spring wagon, and left Fort Laramie on the evening of July 18th. In five days they reached Salt Lake City, arriving on the evening of the 23rd of July, only to find Governor Young absent from the city. He, with a large party of citizens, had gone to the head of Big Cottonwood canon, there to celebrate the 10th anniversary of the entrance of the Pioneers into Salt Lake valley, on the 24th of July. The main encampment of the celebrants was formed at Silver Lake, where three spacious, "lumber-floored boweries" had been provided by a local lumbering company, whose sawmills were adjacent, and a large number of the encampment passed the evening of the 23rd "in the joyous dance." "There were 2,587 persons in the company; with 464 carriages and wagons, 1,028 horses and mules, and 332 oxen and cows. * * * Captain Balloo's band, the Nauvoo brass band, the Springville brass band, the Ogden City brass band, and the Great Salt Lake City and Ogden City marshal bands, were in attendance; also the 1st company of light artillery, under the command of Adjutant General James Ferguson, a detachment of four platoons of life guards and one platoon of the lancers, under the command of Colonel R. T. Burton, and one company of light infantry under the command of Captain John W. Young."

ANNOUNCEMENT IN UTAH OF THE MARCH OF THE "EXPEDITION"

"The stars and stripes," says the current Deseret News account of the celebration, "were unfurled on two of the highest peaks in sight of the camp, and on the tops of two of the tallest trees." "The different bands played at intervals throughout the day, and greatly added to the zest of the varied sources of enjoyment."

"About noon" Messrs. Smoot, Stoddard and Rockwell, these men with the "war news," accompanied by Judge Elias Smith from Salt Lake City, rode in upon this scene of peace and joy and patriotism. Their advent, however, did not disturb the peace and joyousness of the occasion. Their message was delivered quietly to President Young and his immediate counselors and associates. For the rest, the afternoon's merriment and enjoyment went on as if no messengers from the east had arrived. "At about sunset the camp assembled for prayers," says the account followed here, and doubtless the most reliable, since it was published five days later in the one periodical of the state--Deseret News--"when President Wells made a few remarks in relation to the latest tidings from the states, upon the order of leaving the ground in the morning, and concluded with prayer."

But not even the announcement of the "latest tidings from the states," though it reported the approach of an army, and practically announced "war," could kill the joy of that occasion, or interrupt the merriment. Songs by Messrs. Poulter, Dunbar, McAllister and Maiben--local celebrities, in the vocal art--opened the evening's exercises; "after which," says our chronicle, "dancing and general hilarity continued to a late hour. On the morning of the 25th the company began to vacate the ground by daybreak, every one apparently highly gratified with the privileges they had been so blessed in enjoying."

Thus the news of the "Utah Expedition" reached Utah, and straightway activities began among the Latter-day Saints to resist the manifest injustice of this procedure on the part of the general government, against a loyal, American community.

CHAPTER CV

THE "UTAH WAR": PRELIMINARIES OF THE CAMPAIGN-- COMMANDING OFFICERS

Quite contrary to what might have been expected the announcement of the coming of the United States army to Utah created but little excitement in Salt Lake City and other principal settlements. The colonists of Utah were too inured to opposition--even to organize opposition--to be easily excited by its appearance, though it approached in a new form and seemed more formidable than hitherto. There was to be resistance to manifest injustice, of course, yet there would be no hysterical nervousness in that opposition. Confidence in the righteousness of their cause, and confidence in their leaders was too great to admit of undue excitement.

APPROACH OF THE UNITED STATES ARMY ANNOUNCED

The first step in preparation was to send word to the district commanders of the Utah militia of the reported approach, "tolerably well authenticated," of an army from the eastern states, to "invade Utah territory." This in an official note from the headquarters of the Nauvoo Legion, Salt Lake City, under date of August 1st, 1857, and signed by Daniel H. Wells, lieutenant general commanding. Attention was called to the fact in this communication that the people of Utah had lived "in strict obedience to the laws of the parent and home governments, and are zealous for the supremacy of the Constitution and the rights guaranteed thereby;" but "in such times, when anarchy takes the place of orderly government, and mobocratic tyranny usurps the power of rulers," the people "have left the inalienable right to defend themselves against all aggression upon their constitutional privileges." The saints for "successive years" had witnessed the desolation of their homes, the barbarous wrath of mobs poured upon their unoffending brethren and sisters; their leaders arrested, incarcerated and slain, and themselves driven to cull life from the hospitality of the desert and the savages. The Latter-day Saints were unwilling to endure longer these unceasing outrages; and if an exterminating war be proposed against them and blood alone can cleanse pollution from the nation's bulwarks, "to the God of our fathers let the appeal be made." The district commanders are then instructed to hold their respective divisions of the militia in readiness to march at the shortest possible notice to any part of the territory; to see that the law was strictly enforced in regard to arms and ammunition; and "as far as practicable, that each ten be provided with a good wagon and four horses or mules as well as the necessary clothing, etc., for a winter campaign. * * * Avoid all excitement, but be ready."

On receipt of this order there was prompt but quiet preparation made throughout the militia districts.

In addition to the military instruction in the foregoing order the military leaders were admonished "to use their influence for the preservation of the grain;" and this word of counsel was everywhere given and insisted upon, since food supplies would be of prime importance in the impending conflict.

"THE CALL" TO SCATTERED LEADERS TO RETURN TO UTAH

The next step in preparation was to call home all the members of the apostles' quorum who were presiding over missions; and quite generally also all the "Utah elders;" and all the saints in the most distant outlying settlements, such as the San Bernardino and Carson valley settlements.

Elder John Taylor and Erastus Snow of the apostles' quorum, who had been in charge of missions in the United States, the first stationed at New York, the second at St. Louis, were already en route for Salt Lake City, where they arrived on the 7th of August. Other elders traveling as missionaries throughout the several states of the American Union also made their way home, to share the fortunes of their people.

UTAH'S MESSAGE AND PROTEST TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES

Samuel W. Richards was dispatched to England to carry instruction to Orson Pratt and Ezra T. Benson of the apostles' quorum--the first being the president of the European Mission --and all the "American elders" to return home. Elder Richards was also entrusted with a special express to President Buchanan, informing the president that his army could not enter Utah until satisfactory arrangements had been made by commission or otherwise. Elder Richards also carried with him as part of his dispatches to the president and congress copies of the Deseret News of August 12th, containing a carefully prepared, though caustically worded editorial embodying the views of the presidency of the church and of the twelve apostles on the Utah crisis. These he delivered to Colonel Thomas L. Kane for transmission to the president of the United States, and then proceeded to New York, where he was interviewed by the New York Times, which gave, without prejudice, the "Mormon" view of the Utah situation as represented by Elder Richards, and which, fortunately, was much more pacific in tone than the editorial of the News of the 12th of August, and more likely to allay prejudice. Arriving in England with President Young's message to the two apostles, Elders Pratt and Benson, directing them to return home, Elder Richards was appointed to take temporary charge of the European Mission. The returning apostles, with four other Utah elders, made the journey via Isthmus of Panama, thence to San Bernardino and Salt Lake City, where they arrived in January, 1858. Twenty-four other elders from the European Missions returned home via New York--landing there on the 10th of March, 1858--and by various routes made their way to Utah.

THE SPIRIT OF UTAH'S MESSAGE

Relative to the bold message carried east by Elder Samuel Richards and delivered to Colonel Thomas L. Kane, for transmission to the president of the United States, and which was delivered to him as arranged, may not that circumstance have paved the way to the tender of, or the solicitation of, the services of the colonel in the settlement of the "Utah Question" when it had reached its climax? For such service, as we shall see later, was rendered by Colonel Kane.

Relative to the message itself, what follows should be said: The caption of the News editorial,--which is also the message--is, The United States Government and Utah. It expiates upon the opportunities for greatness on the part of the United States, the likelihood of losing that opportunity by corrupt political methods. Utah's area is described, a mixture of widely desert areas with narrowly limited fertile spots, but lying athwart the best central line of communication between the Pacific slope, the land of gold, and the east. "Did not the government offer large bounties in land and almost stretch its delegated powers, to pave the way for the settlement of so desolate a country," is asked. "And did they not shake off a barbarous relic of colonial usuage and guarantee to the settlers in such a region, even more fully and cheerfully than is accorded to those dwelling in more desirable locations, the constitutional right of electing their own officers?" "We will answer," says the editorial. And then is passed in review the enforced exodus from Nauvoo, the service of the Mormon Battalion; the settlement of the Great Basin valleys, and a contrast between the preemption laws of other territories, and the neglect to provide such laws for Utah. The law and order maintained in Utah is contrasted with the lawlessness and violence in the territories of Nebraska and Kansas. The extreme, and, indeed, the questionable view is taken that the purpose of the government in sending its armed "Expedition" to Utah is to corrupt or exterminate the Latter-day Saints. To pave the way for the attainment of such an end, and indeed to goad the people if possible to some overt act which can be seized upon for a plausible pretext to encompass such an end; the government "persists," to use the language of the editorial, "in the barbarous colonial usage of thrusting strange and outside officers upon us--contrary to our lawful and oft expressed unanimous choice--the majority of whom are mostly well known to be utterly base and unworthy." "One of President Buchanan's cabinet has styled our legislative assemblies disrespectful and threatening," continues the editorial, "because, forsooth, they plainly though most respectfully set forth their constitutional rights in the matter of officers for Utah; and that most strictly in accordance with the teachings of Thomas Jefferson, the great father of the party now in power." Some of the closing paragraphs of the message are intemperate speech. The following quotation representing the least offensive parts: "If you intend"--addressing the administration--"to continue the appointment of certain officers, we respectfully suggest that you appoint actually intelligent and honorable men, who will wisely attend to their own duties, and send them unaccompanied by troops, which you yourself know are of no lawful use here--and your officers will be treated strictly according to their acts and merits, as you also well know has always been the case, except that we did not hang up some of the infernal scoundrels you have heretofore sent, as they most richly deserved. And if you will not receive this fair counsel, but persist in sending us officials from the tag, rag and bobtail of wh--- houses, grog shops and gambling hells, we shall take the yankee liberty of guessing your kind (?) intentions towards us, and shall also take the liberty, for the first time of using that class of officials strictly in accordance with their deserts." One can but regret the harshness of this editorial, sent to the president and congress as special express from Utah; but one regrets more that such had been the character of many of Utah officials appointed by previous administrations, and that there was color of justification for its harshness and but slightly veiled threats.

CALLING IN THE PEOPLE OF OUTLYING SETTLEMENTS

About the time that Elder Richards was sent to England to release the Utah missionaries in Europe, Peter Conover was sent with an escort of ten or twelve men to bring in the settlers from Carson valley. Conover arrived at the Carson settlement on the 5th of September, and in three weeks the settlers had disposed of their holdings and property, as far as possible, and at great sacrifice, and began the journey to Salt Lake City, where they arrived on the 2nd of November. The company comprised 450 souls, traveling in 123 wagons, separated into two divisions. Bishop William R. Smith of Davis county--later to become president of Davis stake of Zion--was captain of the first division; John Little, captain over the second; and Chester Loveland, an experienced plainsman, commander of both divisions. It was reported by their leaders that there were 160 men in the companies, capable of bearing arms. Before leaving Carson valley the settlers sent agents over the Sierras to San Francisco to purchase $800.00 worth of ammunition, besides such quantities as could be bought in the Carson settlements. Altogether they reported 2,700 lbs. of community ammunition, besides large quantities in the possession of individuals. The company also brought a large number of arms, and altogether was a substantial reinforcement to the Salt Lake valley community.

The saints from San Bernardino returned to Utah in several companies in the closing months of 1857, and in the early months of 1858, many of them making their homes in the southern settlements of the territory. They, too, brought with them large stores of arms and ammunition. A Los Angeles correspondent of the Alta, (California) under date of November 23rd, notes the departure of fifty-five "Mormon" families from San Bernardino the previous week, saying that "within six weeks one thousand persons will have forsaken their homes in that valley in obedience to the commands of their chief. Men, women and children go off without a murmur and with countenances lighted with stern joy, at the assurance they receive that they are about to fight and destroy their enemies. * * * There is not one line in the face of a Mormon that does not defiantly say, `we will die before we submit.'" The correspondent deplores that steps have not been taken to guard the Cajon Pass--the only gateway from southern California to Utah--to prevent the transmission of munitions of war and of the enemy, whether "Mormons" or Indians.

UTAH'S MOVEMENTS IN THE FIELD

The first movement of Utah forces in the field was the trailing eastward of a "corps of observation," consisting of seventy-five men under the command of Colonel Robert T. Burton of the Nauvoo Legion. The corps left Salt Lake City on the 15th of August, under orders to protect and aid the incoming "Mormon" immigration of that year, which though small in comparison with that of the previous years, numbered over twelve hundred souls. In addition to aiding the immigration Burton's command was under orders to learn the location, strength and equipment of the United States forces approaching Utah; and report their progress and all their movements to Utah headquarters. He was also to note strategic points along the route which might be taken advantage of in opposing the army's entrance to Utah; but was under strict orders not to interfere with the life or property of any one.

About a month after Burton's departure a volunteer company was called ostensibly to found a settlement on the Snake river, in the vicinity of Fort Hall. It was known as the "Blackfoot Mission." Its real purpose, however, was to be on the northern route of the "Utah Expedition," in the event of its making a detour via Soda Springs, and Fort Hall, to watch its movements and report them. The command numbered forty-three, under the leadership of Captain Andrew Cunningham. The list of their names will be found in History of Brigham Young, Ms. As it became definitely known before the winter was far advanced that it was not the intention of the commander of the "Expedition" to attempt any other route to Salt Lake City than the direct one via Fort Bridger and Echo canon, the Cunningham command was recalled during the winter.

Another northern expedition of observation was executed under the leadership of Marcellus Monroe, connected with Colonel West's command of Weber county's militiamen. The company consisted of twelve mounted men who took their course through Ogden canon, crossed the mountains to Bear Lake, thence up Bear river valley, and across the mountains via Lost Creek to the Weber, and so to Ogden. The object of their expedition was to become familiar with the mountain passes, to locate sallying points and places for retreat in the event of an active campaign opening.

According to Burton's own narrative he reached Fort Bridger on the 21st of August; and five days later met, at Pacific Springs, the first "Mormon" immigrant companies; and the next day several large supply trains for the government entirely unprotected by any escort.

Leaving his, wagons and half of his men on the Sweetwater, Colonel Burton proceeded eastward to Devil's Gate, which he reached on the 30th of August, meeting frequently the westward moving immigrant companies. In this locality he cached considerable quantities of provisions for future use. On the 8th of September he sent an express in advance to the Platte, which four days later returned with information of the approaching United States forces. From this time Burton's command began its slow return westward, meanwhile keeping close observation of the army's movements, including its scouting operations. When Colonel Alexander's division of the "Expedition," comprising the 5th and 10th United States infantry regiments, with Phelps' and Reno's battery, camped at Devil's Gate, on the 22nd of September, Colonel Burton, with three companions, camped within half a mile of him; and from thence until the troops arrived on Ham's Fork, an indirect western tributary of Green river, Colonel Burton's command kept in the immediate neighborhood of the army, reporting by frequent express riders its every movement either to Governor Young or General Wells.

Up to the latter part of August it was supposed in Utah that General Harney was in command of the "Utah Expedition." An express from Deer Creek station, 300 miles east of Salt Lake City, brought the news on the 25th that "General Harney's train lost 480 head of beef cattle, stolen by the Cheyenne Indians." Also that "General Harney is very secretive and the officers at Laramie will give nobody any information; but it has leaked out that Harney determined to remove all `Mormon' stations on the road." Under date of 26th of August, President Young said: "I have sent word to General Harney that I wish for peace, and do not want to fight anybody; but he must not come here with a hostile army, and if he undertakes it, we shall prepare to defend ourselves."

ALBERT SIDNEY JOHNSTON IN COMMAND OF THE "EXPEDITION"

As the immigration companies began to arrive, however, they brought news of the detention of General Harney in Kansas, and of the appointment of General--then Colonel--Albert Sidney Johnston to the command of the "Utah Expedition." They brought word of the anti-"Mormon" bitterness prevailing in the east; of the talk on the plains, at the stations, the forts, and in the army camps; all of which was not very reassuring for Utah's peace, since there were threats with cursing as to what would be done with the "Mormons," once the army was in Salt Lake valley. "All the way from the states to Laramie," reported Captain John R. Murdock, "it was G-- d--n the Mormons." At Laramie the officers [i. e. the local officers stationed there, not the officers of the "Utah Expedition"] tipped their hats; and from there everybody was respectful. The only offset to this vicious aspect of things eastward was the news that five hundred men had deserted from the "Expedition"--thirty in one night--and "there was much opposition in the states against the administration forcing the troops into Utah."

RIBALDRY OF THE CAMP

On the 18th of September Charles Decker and Jesse Earl came from Burton's command as an express. These brethren representing themselves as California immigrants had been within the camps of the "Utah Expedition" and had mingled freely with the soldiers. Inquiring as to what they intended to do in Utah, the answer was: "Scalp Old Brigham." "Have you seen him?" would be the return inquiry. "Yes." "How does he feel?" "Rather scary," the brethren answered.

Doubtless much of what was thus reported was merely the utterances of the irresponsible soldiery, the teamsters, and the camp followers of the "Expedition"--the mere braggadocio of the camp. Certainly it does not comport with the written instructions of the war department to the commander of the "Expedition;" nor to the high character of the official personnel of the "Expedition." As to the former, the commander of the "Expedition" in outlining "the principles" by which he was to be guided, the war department instructions said:

OFFICIAL INSTRUCTIONS OF THE "EXPEDITION"

"If the governor of the territory, finding the ordinary course of judicial proceedings or the power vested in the United States' marshals and other proper officers inadequate for the preservation of the public peace, and the due execution of the laws, should make requisition upon you for a military force to aid him as a posse comitatus in the performance of that official duty, you are hereby directed to employ for that purpose the whole or such part of your command as may be required; or should the governor, the judges, or marshals of the territory find it necessary directly to summon a part of your troops, to aid either in the performance of his duties, you will take care that the summons be promptly obeyed. And in no case will you, your officers, or men, attack any body of citizens whatever, except on such requisition or summons, or in sheer self-defense.

In executing this delicate function of the military power of the United States, the civil responsibility will be upon the governor, the judges, and marshals of the territory. While you are not to be, and cannot be subjected to orders, strictly speaking, of the governor, you will be responsible for a jealous, harmonious, and thorough cooperation with him, on frequent and full consultation, and will conform your action to his requests and views in all cases where your military judgement and prudence do not forbid, nor compel you to modify, in execution, the movements he may suggest. No doubt is entertained that your conduct will fully meet the moral and professional responsibilities of your trust; and justify the high confidence already reposed in you by the government.

So well is the nature of this service appreciated, and so deeply are the honor and the interest of the United States involved in its success, that I am authorized to say that the government will hesitate at no expense requisite to complete the efficiency of your little army, and to insure health and comfort to it, as far as attainable. Hence, in addition to the liberal orders for its supply heretofore given--and it is known that ample measures, with every confidence of success, have been dictated by chiefs of staff departments here--a large discretion will be made over to you in the general orders for the movement."

GENERAL HARNEY'S INSTRUCTIONS TO CAPTAIN VAN VLIET

Furthermore, when General Harney, before being relieved of the command of the "Utah Expedition," sent Captain Van Vliet to Utah to negotiate for the encampment and provisioning the "Expedition," it was stated in a letter of instructions to Captain Van Vliet, written by Captain Pleasanton, assistant adjutant general to General Harney, "that the general commanding has deemed it proper and courteous to inform President Young, of the society of the Mormons, of the object of your visit, and has also requested of him the required facilities to enable you to execute your instruction certainly and effectively." * * * You will obtain a suitable location for the troops in the vicinity of Salt Lake City, sufficiently near to be effective in supporting the civil authority in the maintenance of the territorial laws, but allowing ample room to prevent an improper association of the troops with the citizens--an object in this selection of primary importance. * * * You will impress upon the officers in charge of your escort the imperious necessity for a very careful circumspection of conduct in his command. The men should not only be carefully selected for this service, but they should be repeatedly admonished never to comment upon or ridicule anything they may either see or hear, and to treat the inhabitants of Utah with kindness and consideration."

These instructions make of the "Army of Utah" merely a posse comitatus, to aid the territorial executive and judiciary authorities, yet keeping the military subordinate to the civil authority. Evidently the "Utah Expedition" was to be no army of invasion and conquest.

As to the second consideration, the high character of the official personnel of the "Expedition," which makes it certain that the ribaldry of the soldiers and of the camp followers did not represent the purpose of the "Expedition"--it is only necessary to name them, for their names now rank high in the country's honored galaxy of the nation's great generals.

PERSONNEL OF THE OFFICERS OF THE "EXPEDITION"

General W. S. Harney, first assigned to the command of the "Expedition," was a veteran soldier of Revolutionary ancestry. He had served with distinction in both the Blackhawk and Florida Indian wars, as also in the war with Mexico. After the close of this war he was in the service on the western frontiers, and in 1855-6, with a command of 1,500 soldiers, defeated the Brule Sioux, at Ash Hollow, one hundred miles southeast of Laramie, under Chief Little Thunder; and as many Indian women and children were killed in the engagement, his enemies dubbed him "squaw-killer Harney." He was an efficient officer, however, and at the opening of the Civil War was in command of the western division of the army stationed at St. Louis.

General Persifer F. Smith was assigned as the commander of the "Expedition" at Harney's release, but he fell ill at Fort Leavenworth and died before assuming command of the "Expedition."

Colonel (afterwards General) Albert Sidney Johnston, who finally became commander of the "Expedition," was a Kentuckian, a graduate of West Point, and, at the time of his appointment to the command of the "Utah Expedition," paymaster in the United States army under the appointment of President Zachary Taylor, and later to become the hero of the battle of Shilo in the war between the states, where he met his death.

Major (afterwards General) Fitz John Porter, was assistant adjutant general to Colonel Johnston. He was the cousin of Admiral D. D. Porter, one of the most distinguished officers of the American navy, as also a member of one of the most distinguished families of America. Fitz John Porter was also a West Point graduate, and during the Civil War served with distinction in the union army.

Colonel Alexander, to whom leadership of the advanced division of the "Expedition" fell by virtue of seniority of rank, was a gentlemanly officer, of no great ability as a leader, but certainly not vicious or lawless; President Young said to him--when the colonel called to make his adieux on leaving the territory, August 8th, 1858--that he had no doubt that "if he had had half an hour's interview with him last fall (1857), the army might as well have come in last fall as this spring."

Lieutenant Colonel Charles F. Smith, of the 10th infantry, was a graduate of West Point, 1825, and served as instructor, adjutant and commandant in that institution from 1829-40. He had commanded a light battalion in the Mexican war and was distinguished at Palo Alto, Resaca de la Palma, Monterey, and Churubusco. He had also seen service in Kansas. In the Civil War he became the hero of the Union army at the capture of Fort Donelson, for which he was promoted to a major generalship, and for a time, under General Halleck's appointment, superceded General Grant, and but for an illness from a wound which compelled his retirement, he would have commanded at the battle of Pittsburg landing. John Fiske speaks of him as "one of the truest men and finest officers in the federal service."

Captain (afterwards Major General) Stewart Van Vliet--who bore an important part in the "Expedition" as advance courier of it, was assistant quartermaster, U. S. A., of General Harney's staff. He had before time come in contact with many of the Latter-day Saints at Winter Quarters, where he had employed hundreds of them, in the government service, and treated them fairly. Referring to the captain's presence on the stand at the tabernacle, on Sunday the 13th of September, President Young, in his public address, said:

"From the day of his (Van Vliet's) visit to Winter Quarters, many of this people have become personally acquainted with him, both through casual intercourse with, and working for, him. He has invariably treated them kindly, as he would a Baptist, a Methodist, or any other person, for that is his character. He has always been found to be free and frank, and to be a man who wishes to do right; and no doubt he would deal out justice to all, if he had the power. Many of you have labored for him and found him to be a kind, good man; and I understand that he has much influence in the army through his kind treatment of the soldiers."

Colonel (later Major General) Philip St. George Cooke, who commanded the six companies of 2nd dragoons in the "Utah Expedition," was also the honored leader of the Mormon Battalion in its memorable march to the Pacific coast,

1846-7. While a stern officer, Colonel Cooke was an honorable man, and rose to distinction in the Civil War.

Captain Randolph Barnes Marcy (afterwards brigadier general and inspector general of the United States army), was a most gentlemanly officer, and the one who performed the most distinguished service in the "Utah Expedition." He was a West Point graduate, served in the Mexican war during which he rose to the grade of captain. He was the father-in-law of General McClellan, and at the beginning of the Civil War served as chief of staff to that officer. General Marcy, later in life, was the author of a number of books dealing chiefly with army life on the western frontiers.

An "Expedition" so officered justifies what has been so frequently said of it, viz., that it comprised the very "flower of the American army;" and an "Expedition" made up of such a division of the army, and so officered, cannot be thought of as having for its purpose any other than honorable service; and forbids the thought of its being engaged in a wanton war of invasion and conquest, or the likelihood of its becoming an irresponsible mob revelling in bachanalian orgies in the despoiled settlements and towns of an American community.

CHAPTER CVI

THE "UTAH WAR": PRELIMINARIES OF THE CAMPAIGN--ARRIVAL OF CAPTAIN VAN VLIET

The great misfortune in the whole matter of this "Utah Expedition" was, that the purpose of the administration in sending it to Utah was not known by the Latter-day Saint Church leaders, nor did they know definitely what officers were commanding the "Expedition," nor what were their instructions. Neither did the "Expedition" have any clear understanding of its mission. Even Colonel Alexander, leading the advance division of the "Expedition,"--up to its arrival on Ham's Fork, and as late as October 8th--knew nothing of its purpose; he knew only of its destination. And Captain Van Vliet, advance courier of the "army," in a meeting with the leading church authorities in the "Social Hall," September the 9th, when seeking as quartermaster to make arrangements for the "Expedition's" encampment in the territory, could give no very definite, or satisfactory explanations of the purpose of the "Expedition," though he disclaimed its purpose being what was then commonly reported in Utah--namely, conquest and destruction of the "Mormon" people; and sought to allay the apprehension and prejudices of the church leaders.

EMBARRASSMENT OF CAPTAIN VAN VLIET

Following is what occurred at the meeting on this point; D. H. Wells, who had just read a letter presented by Captain Van Vliet, to the assembled brethren, describing the purpose of the Captain's visit, said--

General Wells: "This letter states that Captain Van Vliet will explain the object of their coming here.

President Young: "Understood it merely to refer to Mr. Van Vliet's coming here.

General Wells: "Perhaps Mr. Van Vliet may have some understanding of the object of their [the army's] coming here.

Captain Van Vliet: "Had no information further than the order published for troops in this direction; which merely designates a certain number of troops, and in the first place organized the Utah military department, the same as the Kansas department, and then goes on to assign the troops for this department; these are the orders that are published. The instructions that may be given, I do not know, though many suppose their orders will be to support the government and the laws in case they are violated. I have seen the instructions to the troops in Kansas, and those instructions were of such a character. No such instructions have been given as has been reported, to violate all law and right; I am convinced of it."

The assurance of Captain Van Vliet, however, seemed not to have been convincing to the church leaders; and of this the captain was, perhaps, painfully conscious.

On the part of the church leaders they only knew that in "the states" there was a great uproar against the "Mormons," occasioned by the false reports of ex-Judge Drummond, et al; that all kinds of extravagant suggestions relative to "solving the Utah problem" had been made, from the distribution of Bibles in the community, to the sending of successive detachments of the United States army to the "Mormon" settlements to induce their young women to leave the homes of their people, when the detachments of troops should successively leave the settlements for California or elsewhere. What the church leaders heard from the army camps and the plains' mail stations was of the same but of deeper crimson than this. "We were well informed as to the object of the coming of the army," said Elder John Taylor, of the council of the apostles, when discussing this subject with Vice-President Schuyler Colfax, in 1869:

"We had men in all the camps, and knew what was intended. There was a continued boast among the men and officers, even before they left the Missouri river, of what they intended to do with the `Mormons.' The houses were picked out that certain persons were to inhabit; farms, property, and women were to be distributed. `Beauty and Booty' were their watchword. We were to have another grand `Mormon' conquest, and our houses, gardens, orchards, vineyards, fields, wives and daughters were to be the spoils. Instead of this Mr. Buchanan kept them too long about Kansas; the Lord put a hook in their jaws, and instead of revelling in sacked towns and cities and glutting their libidinous and riotous desires in ravishing, destroying and laying waste, they gnawed dead mules' legs at Bridger, rendered palatable by the ice, frost and snow of a mountain winter, seasoned by the pestiferous exhalations of hecatombs of dead animals, the debris of a ruined army, at a cost to the nation of about forty millions. We had reason to say then `The Lord reigns, let the earth be glad.' Oh, how wicked it was for President Young to resist an army like the above, prostituted by the guardians of a free and enlightened republic to the capacity of buccaneers and brigands."

REINFORCEMENT OF FORMER EXPERIENCES

To reinforce their conception and fears respecting the "Expedition's" purpose the church leaders and many of the saints had the bitter experiences of Missouri, held in lively recollection by them, wherein they had seen the state militia, ordered out by the governor of the state, and officered by men reputed to be of high character, side with the mob against them and become the executors of its will in the armed investment of Latter-day Saint towns, in the destruction of their settlements and of their farms and homes; they saw their women ravished by a brutal soldiery, their leaders imprisoned, while their community numbering fifteen thousand was expelled from the state under the orders of its governor, rigorously executed by the state militia. This, on practically the same basis, but on a larger scale, they had again witnessed in the expulsion of the saints from Nauvoo; only this time, instead of imprisoning their prophet leaders they had both imprisoned and slain them; and instead of driving fifteen thousand of the community from one state to another, they expelled nearly double the number from the state of Illinois, and practically drove them into a wilderness, since there was nowhere else for them to go.

Still later than these experiences, and foreshadowing what might possibly be repeated on a larger scale, if the "Army for Utah" was admitted into the territory, was the more recent experience of the saints with Colonel Steptoe's command. While no reproach attaches to the colonel personally for misconduct while in Utah, subordinate officers, and the rank and file of the command left behind them a very unsavory record of immoralities and debaucheries, which were vehemently denounced, both while they were yet present in Utah, and soon after the command's departure. Seductions, desertions, the disruption of homes, and to some extent community demoralization followed the advent and hospitable treatment of the few hundreds of that command. How much greater the evils to be expected from an apparently hostile encampment, consisting of thousands of troops, and its teamsters and camp followers!

WHAT PRESIDENT BUCHANAN DID NOT SAY--M. REMY

True, as President Buchanan pointed out in his message to congress, in December following, the church leaders had the assurance of Major Van Vliet of the peaceful intentions of the government, "and that the troops would only be employed as a posse comitatus when called on by the civil authority to aid in the execution of the laws." But, as Mr. Remy in his Journey to Salt Lake so admirably points out, President Buchanan--

"Did not say that the presence of the troops who had formerly discharged that duty, or of those who had been quartered in Utah while on their way to California, under the command of Colonel Steptoe, had given great offense to the saints; that those troops had debauched, seduced, and carried off with them into California numbers of their women, and that the unfortunate `Mormons' had nothing so much at heart as to keep clear for the future of any such scourge. Neither did he [Buchanan] state that if Major Van Vliet, who had been so well received by the `Mormons,' had found them prepared to resist to the last extremity, it was because they were in fear not only for their faith and their morality, but for their independence. Neither did he [Buchanan] say that he had done nothing to allay their apprehensions; that he had not officially communicated his intentions: that the `Mormons' were left to divine them, or to learn through the newspapers; and that, as the press was daily sounding the tocsin of war against them, they had a right to suppose that it was really war that was intended, and, in fact, which had been declared against them. Besides, had they not terrible precedents in their past, which were but little calculated to give them confidence in the pacific intentions of the government, or, at any rate, in its desire to protect them from the calumnies of their enemies, and to resist the pressure of the religious sects or of the papers which were their organs; or, even if it had the desire, could they trust to its capacity of efficiently carrying it out?"

POLICY OF RESISTANCE JUSTIFIED

It is from the viewpoint of these historical facts, and from these conditions that the policy of resistance to the federal authority of the United States by the church leaders must be considered. It is easy now for writers in the dispassionate quiet of the study, with all the facts and circumstances in hand to see that it was not and could not have been the intention of the Buchanan administration, however, egregiously it blundered in respect of Utah affairs, to engage in a "war" for the demoralization or destruction of a religious community. But in the light of experiences of the Latter-day Saints, and in the absence of any clear understanding of what were the intentions of the administration--beyond the personal assurances of Captain Van Vliet, that could not be very emphatic because of his own but partial knowledge of the purpose of the "Expedition;" and ignorant also as they were of the excellent personnel of the officers in command--all this considered, it was not possible for the Latter-day Saint Church leaders to be so assured of the pacific intentions of the administration. The "Expedition" was an army, and an army meant war, not peace. It meant coercion, and very likely the subordination of the civil to the military authority. The coming of that armed "Expedition," therefore, meant to the Latter-day Saints of Utah the subversion of their constitutional rights, the destruction of their liberties--their religious freedom; their right of community self-government; perhaps, even, their community existence. Such being their conception of the mission of the "Army for Utah," they met the issue as brave and strong men, conscious of the uprightness of their own course and intentions, always meet such manifest injustice, and such a menacing of their liberties: they resolved upon resistance. Their descendants would have less cause to be proud of them as Americans had they not, under all the circumstances, resolved upon resistance.

FURTHER ON CAPTAIN VAN VLIET'S MISSION

Captain Van Vliet, assistant quartermaster U. S. A., arrived in Salt Lake City on the 8th of September. He came as the advance agent of the "Utah Expedition" to make arrangements for its encampment in the territory, and for the purchase of what would be its necessary supplies. He had left his own escort at Ham's Fork, 143 miles distant. Ignoring the warning of mountaineers, met at Green river, he accepted as guides Bryant Stringham and Colonel N. V. Jones, of General Burton's command, who gave him safe conduct to Salt Lake City, where he was courteously received by Governor Young. On the 9th, as already noted, a meeting was arranged with the leading men of the city and of the church at the "Social Hall." Here the letter he bore from General Harney to "President Brigham Young, of the Society of Mormons," making known the purpose of the captain's visit, was read, and a full discussion had on the ability of the community to supply the timber, grain, beef, hay and other supplies that would be needed for the quartering and feeding of the army; as also a place for its encampment. The discussion had of these things was very agreeably conducted and it was evident that the community could furnish everything needed by the army. The captain during his sojourn of several days visited Rush valley, thirty-five or forty miles west of Salt Lake City, which had been considered as a suitable military reservation by Colonel Steptoe, but with which conclusion Captain Van Vliet did not agree. All the captain's negotiations, however, amounted to nothing. In reporting a few days later to Captain Pleasanton, Van Vliet declared that "the governor [Young] informed me that there was abundance of everything I required for the troops, such as lumber, forage, etc., but that none would be sold to us."

On the 12th of September a prolonged interview took place between Van Vliet and President Young in which the questions at issue were freely discussed. The captain on his part, sought, albeit without success, to convince the president and the other church leaders present that the purpose of the government was not to make war upon them. "We do not want to fight the United States," said President Young, "but if they drive us to it, we shall do the best we can; and I will tell you, as the Lord lives, we shall come off conquerors, for we trust in God." The president held that the outcome of the presence of the army was intended to be that the military would hold the saints still until a mob could come and kill them, having in mind, of course, the experiences of Missouri and Illinois. He represented that both himself and the people loved the United States Constitution, and the laws. It was not the laws of the United States, but a corrupt administration of the laws under which the Latter-day Saints suffered. "There is not any of the government officers which have been sent here," said Governor Young, "who have any interest with us; but they have tried to destroy us." "This is the case with most men sent to the territories," replied Captain Van Vliet. "They received their offices as a stepping stone to the senatorship; but they have no interest for the people." The captain admitted that the saints had been lied about--"the worst of any people he had ever seen." "The greatest hold the world have now upon you is they accuse you of burning 900 volumes of the United States statutes." This President Young promptly denied; and remarked that if the government of the United States had arrived at that state that they will try to kill people for their religion, "no honorable man should be afraid of them." He held that if the United States "insist on whipping us, they wilt get awfully whipped." The president held that the people of Utah had treated all men sent to the territory by the government as well as they had treated Captain Van Vliet. "We wish still to treat them well," he continued, "and we would like to ward off this blow if we could; but the United States are determined to drive us to fight; we cannot do anything but what the government will take exception to it." Again came up the experiences of Nauvoo; which reference ended with the statement that he [Governor Young] had broken no law, "and neither will I be taken by any United States officer to be killed as they have killed Joseph" [i. e. Joseph Smith, the Prophet]. The captain remarked that he did not think that it was the intention of the government "to take" him, "but to install a new governor in the territory." President Young allowed that the captain believed this, "but you do not know their intention as well as I do." President Young denied that the saints were colleaguing with the Indians.

On the 14th the interview was renewed, on the eve of Captain Van Vliet's departure for the east. Governor Young said the people of Utah had always treated the United States officers well, but the latter had lied about the people. "We would still have received their governor and officers," he continued, "had they sent them here without any army; but in as much as they are disposed to send an army here to hold us still while others run their red hot iron into us and then kill us, we will now say that we will not have either their soldiers, armies, or officers any more here at all, and you may tell them so. We will just fight for our liberty and rights from this day forth. * * * If the government of the United States persists in sending armies to destroy us, in the name of the Lord we shall conquer them." It was on this occasion that President Young gave the warning of the danger to immigration from the Indians, and expressed his determination of laying waste the valley inhabited by the saints:

BRIGHAM YOUNG'S THREAT TO DESOLATE THE UTAH SETTLEMENTS BY FIRE

"If they [the United States] commence the war, I shall not hold the Indians still by the wrist any longer for white men to shoot at them, but I shall let them go ahead and do as they please, and I shall carry the war into their own land, and they will want to let out the job before they get half way through. And even should an army of 50,000 men get into this valley, when they got here they would find nothing but a barren waste, we should burn everything that was wood and every acre of grass that would burn, and you may tell them that they must bring with them their forage for their animals for they will not find anything in this territory when they come. Again you may tell them they must stop all emigration across this continent for they cannot travel in safety. The Indians will kill all that attempt it."

Replying to this Captain Van Vliet said if the government made war upon the people he would "withdraw from the army; for he would not have a hand in shedding the blood of American citizens."

The captain said he thought congress would do all it could against Utah's people. Governor Young replied: "If God inspires any man to speak for us it will be well. We have got to trust in God. If you will speak in favor of us, and I think you will, the Lord will bless you for so doing. He will require it of you. We have refuted lies so long we have got tired of it, and we shall now trust in God for the future."

"Congress could send out an investigating committee to Kansas, or any other place but to Utah," continued the Governor; "but upon the mere rumor of liars they send out 2,000 armed soldiers to Utah to destroy the people without investigating the subject at all." Captain Van Vliet replied: "The government may yet send out one [i. e. an investigating committee] to Utah, and consider it policy before they get through with it." "I do think that God has sent you out here," said Governor Young, "and that good will grow out of it. I was glad when I learned that you were coming." The captain expressed himself as anxious to get back to Washington. He had heard that General Harney had been called to Kansas as governor. He expressed his intention to stop the government trains at Ham's Fork on his own responsibility, "and leave them there." President Young said: "If we can only keep the peace for this winter, I do think something will turn up that may save so much shedding of blood." Van Vliet expressed the opinion that the troops would have to stop on Ham's Fork for the winter, "for their provisions will be late coming up."

The day of the above interview (Sunday) Captain Van Vliet had listened to four discourses in the "Old Tabernacle" by three different men, Geo. A. Smith, John Taylor and Brigham Young, the last speaking both at the forenoon and the afternoon services. Elder Smith described the military spirit and military preparations of the people in the south counties: "I never found them in better spirits," said the speaker. "They are willing any moment," he continued, "to touch fire to their homes, and hide themselves in the mountains, and to defend their country to the very last extremity."

"Would you, if necessary, brethren," John Taylor said in his discourse that day, "put the torch to your buildings and lay them in ashes, and wander homeless into the mountains? I know what you would say and what you would do."

President Young: "Try the vote."

Taylor: "All you that are willing to set fire to your property and lay it in ashes, rather than submit to their military rule and oppression, manifest it by raising your hands."

The congregation unanimously raised their hands.

Taylor [resuming]: "I know what your feelings are. We have been persecuted and robbed long enough, and in the name of Israel's God, we will be free! (the whole congregation responded `Amen!' and President Young said, ` I say amen to that all the time')!"

President Young was even more emphatic in his expressed determination to resist the coming of the army than the other brethren. He said:

"We have transgressed no law, and we have no occasion to do so, neither do we intend to; but as for any nation's coming to destroy this people, God Almighty being my helper, they cannot come here. (The congregation responded a loud `Amen'). That is my feeling upon the point."

"WE ASK NO ODDS OF THEM"--THE UNITED STATES

He declared that he asked "no odds" of the United States:

"On the 24th of July last a number of us went to Big Cottonwood canon, to pass the anniversary of our arrival into this valley. Ten years ago the 24th of last July a few of the elders arrived here and began to plow and to plant seeds, to raise food to sustain themselves. Whilst speaking to the brethren on that day I said, inadvertently, if the people of the United States will let us alone for ten years we will ask no odds of them; and ten years from that very day we had a message by Brothers Smoot, Stoddard and Rockwell, that the government had stopped the mail and that they had ordered 2,500 troops to come here and hold the `Mormons' still while priests, politicians, speculators, wh--- mongers and every mean, filthy character that could be raked up should come here and kill off the `Mormons.' I did not think about what I had said ten years ago, till I heard the president of the United States had so unjustly ordered troops here, and then I said, when my former expression came to my mind, `In the name of Israel's God, we ask no odds of them.'"

Governor Young then refuted one of the assumptions of Senator Douglas' Springfield speech, charging that nine-tenths of the inhabitants of Utah were "aliens by birth who have refused to become naturalized," in the following manner:

"There is one thing I want done, for the satisfaction of Captain Van Vliet. One of our old senators, Stephen A. Douglas, recently said, before his constituents in Illinois, that nine-tenths of our people were aliens. We have a larger proportion of foreigners in this city than in any other part of the territory, and there are a good many here today who have just come in from the plains. I want those who are native born and naturalized American citizens to raise their right hands. (Over two-thirds of the congregation raised their hands). You who have not yet received your naturalization papers will please manifest it in the same way. (Less than a third of the congregation raised their hands). Now, captain, you can see for yourself over two-thirds of this congregation are either native born or naturalized American citizens.

I have called this vote that Captain Van Vliet may be able to do as he always does, speak the truth boldly and tell them of it next winter in Washington; and, that he can, if he sees Senator Douglas in Washington, tell him that his statement was false, for he has seen for himself."

Later in the discourse he said:

"They never did anything against Joseph till they had ostensibly legalized a mob, and I shall treat every army and every armed company that attempts to come here, as a mob. (The congregation responded `Amen'). You might as well tell me that you can make hell into a powder house, as to tell me that you could let an army in here and have peace; and I intend to tell them and to show them this, if they do not keep away."

In the afternoon discourse there was much more to the same effect:

"Liars have reported that this people have committed treason, and upon their lies the president has ordered out troops to aid in officering this territory, and if those officers are like many who have previously been sent here, and they have come when they know they are not wanted, they are poor, miserable blacklegs, broken down political hacks, robbers and wh--- mongers, men that are not fit for civilized society, so they must dragoon them upon us for officers. I feel that I won't bear such cursed treatment, and that is enough to say, for we are just as free as the mountain air.

I do not lift my voice against the great and glorious government guaranteed to every citizen by our Constitution, but against those corrupt administrators who trample the Constitution and just laws under their feet."

In addition to these passages there were extravagant and ill-advised things said on this occasion, also both before and after it; and who would expect, in such stress of feeling as was occasioned by such a remembering of "the wrongs of Missouri," such a not-for-getting the "fate of Nauvoo"--who would look for cool judgment and temperate speech?

The speeches he heard that day, the interviews that preceded and followed them, justified all that Captain Van Vliet reported to Captain Pleasanton, (A. A. adjutant general, "Army for Utah," Fort Leavenworth), and later to the secretary of war in Washington; indeed the captain is to be commended for his accuracy of statement and his evident intention to serve both his country and the people of Utah by representing conditions as he found them. His course doubtless contributed much to bringing about the final composition of the difficulties.

On his return east Captain Van Vliet was accompanied by Dr. John M. Bernhisel, Utah's delegate to congress. On reaching the slowly advancing United States troops, just emerging from the South Pass, Van Vliet advised them not to attempt to enter Salt Lake valley that winter, as no arrangements could be made for their supplies; also they would have to fight their way through if the march was attempted. Some of the younger officers were disposed to make light of the warning, and expressed confidence in their ability to force their way through to Salt Lake City, and began doubling their usual march of fifteen miles per day. The matter of their reaching Salt Lake valley by forced marches, however, was determined by other than their own will.

CHAPTER CVII

THE "UTAH WAR": THE CAMPAIGN--BURNING OF GOVERNMENT SUPPLY TRAINS--SNOWED IN

The day following the departure of Captain Van Vliet, Governor Young determined upon a definite course of action in harmony with his representations to the captain, and issued the following proclamation bearing date of September 15th, 1857.

PROCLAMATION BY THE GOVERNOR

"Citizens of Utah:

We are invaded by a hostile force who are evidently assailing us to accomplish our overthrow and destruction.

For the last twenty-five years we have trusted officials of the government, from constables and justices to judges, governors and presidents, only to be scorned, held in derision, insulted and betrayed. Our houses have been plundered and then burned, our fields laid waste, our principal men butchered while under the pledged faith of the government for their safety, and our families driven from their homes to find that shelter in the barren wilderness and that protection among hostile savages, which were denied them in the boasted abodes of christianity and civilization.

The Constitution of our common country guarantees unto us all that we do now, or have ever claimed. If the constitutional rights which pertain unto us as American citizens were extended to Utah, according to the spirit and meaning thereof, and fairly and impartially administered, it is all that we could ask, all that we have ever asked.

Our opponents have availed themselves of prejudice existing against us because of our religious faith, to send out a formidable host to accomplish our destruction. We have had no privilege, no opportunity of defending ourselves from the false, foul, and unjust aspersions against us before the nation. The government has not condescended to cause an investigating committee or other persons to be sent to inquire into and ascertain the truth, as is customary in such cases.

We know those aspersions to be false, but that avails us nothing. We are condemned unheard and forced to an issue with an armed, mercenary mob, which has been sent against us at the instigation of anonymous letter writers ashamed to father the base, slanderous falsehoods which they have given to the public; of corrupt officials who have brought false accusations against us to screen themselves in their own infamy; and of hireling priests and howling editors who prostitute the truth for filthy lucre's sake.

The issue which has been thus forced upon us compels us to resort to the great first law of self-preservation and stand in our own defense, a right guaranteed unto us by the genius of the institutions of our country, and upon which the government is based.

Our duty to ourselves, to our families, requires us not to tamely submit to be driven and slain, without an attempt to preserve ourselves. Our duty to our country, our holy religion, our God, to freedom and liberty, requires that we should not quietly stand still and see those fetters forging around, which are calculated to enslave and bring us in subjection to an unlawful military despotism such as can only emanate (in a country of constitutional law) from usurpation, tyranny and oppression.

Therefore, I, Brigham Young, governor, and superintendent of Indian affairs for the territory of Utah, in the name of the people of the United States in the territory of Utah,

1st--Forbid all armed forces, of every description, from coming into this territory under any pretense whatever.

2d--That all the forces in said territory hold themselves in readiness to march, at a moments' notice, to repel any and all such invasion.

3d--Martial law is hereby declared to exist in this territory, from and after the publication of this proclamation; and no person shall be allowed to pass or repass into, or through, or from this territory, without a permit from the proper officer.

Given under my hand and seal at Great Salt Lake City, territory of Utah, this fifteenth day of September, A. D., Eighteen Hundred and Fifty-seven, and of the Independence of the United States of America the eighty-second.

[Signed] "BRIGHAM YOUNG."

Following this proclamation, companies of the territorial militia aggregating twelve hundred and fifty men were ordered to report at Echo canon to maintain it by force of arms. On Sunday, September 27th, Daniel H. Wells, lieutenant general of the army, with some members of his staff, and with Elders John Taylor and Geo. A. Smith, added as "counselors" left Salt Lake City for the field of probable conflict. Before starting these brethren were each set apart by the solemn imposition of hands and blessing by the presidency of the church. To their conception it was a sacred mission--this going to the battlefield in defense of their people; one upon which the divine blessing could appropriately be invoked, and holy consecration to the service made.

Arriving at Echo canon--the western mouth, distant from Salt Lake City about forty miles, as the road then ran--General Wells placed the militia men who had arrived at the rendezvous under direction of Colonels N. V. Jones and J. D. T. McAllister, with orders to construct such fortifications and breastworks as they might be able to make at the "Narrows" in Echo canon, and on the heights along the whole length of this mountain gorge.

General Wells himself with a small escort pushed on to Fort Bridger, where on the 30th he met with Colonel R. T. Burton and Lewis Robison and from them received reports concerning the movements, the present location, and probable intentions of the "Expedition." The United States forces under Colonel Alexander were now on Ham's Fork, about fifteen miles above its junction with Black's Fork, the latter a tributary,--flowing southeasterly--of Green river. His encampment the colonel had named "Camp Winfield," in honor of General Winfield Scott, then lieutenant general of the United States army. The first divisions of the "Expedition" had been making hurried marches since crossing Green river, partly to satisfy the ardor of the officers and men of the 10th regiment, impatient to reach Salt Lake valley, as per their expressed determination to Captain Van Vliet, and partly to protect several advanced supply trains which had been encamped, practically unguarded for some weeks, on Ham's Fork.

From his camp at Fort Bridger General Wells forwarded to Colonel Alexander two copies of Governor Young's Proclamation, a copy of the laws of Utah and a letter from Governor Young addressed to "The officer commanding the forces now invading Utah territory." No summary would do the document justice, hence it is given here in full:

GOVERNOR YOUNG'S PROCLAMATION TO THE COMMANDER OF THE "UTAH EXPEDITION"

"Governor's Office, Utah Territory,

Great Salt Lake City,

September 29, 1857.

Sir:--By reference to the act of congress passed September 9, 1850, organizing the territory of Utah, published in the laws of Utah, herewith forwarded, pp. 146-7, you will find the following:

Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the executive power and authority in and over said territory of Utah shall be vested in a governor, who shall hold his office for four years, and until his successor shall be appointed and qualified, unless sooner removed by the president of the United States. The governor shall reside within said territory, shall be commander-in-chief of the militia thereof, etc., etc.

I am still the governor and superintendent of Indian affairs for this territory, no successor having been appointed and qualified, as provided by law; nor have I been removed by the president of the United States.

By virtue of the authority thus vested in me, I have issued, and forwarded you a copy of my proclamation forbidding the entrance of armed forces into this territory. This you have disregarded. I now further direct that you retire forthwith from the territory, by the same route you entered. Should you deem this impracticable, and prefer to remain until spring in the vicinity of your present encampment, Black's Fork, or Green river, you can do so in peace and unmolested, on condition that you deposit your arms and ammunition with Lewis Robison quartermaster-general of the territory, and leave in the spring, as soon as the condition of the roads will permit you to march; and should you fall short of provisions, they can be furnished you, upon making the proper applications therefor. General D. H. Wells will forward this, and receive any communication you may have to make.

Very respectfully,

[Signed] "BRIGHAM YOUNG,"

Governor and Superintendent of Indian Affairs,

Utah Territory."

General Wells' letter accompanying these documents informed the "commander of the forces then invading Utah," that he was on the ground to "aid in carrying out the instructions of Governor Young." In closing he said: "Trusting that your answer and actions will be dictated by a proper respect for the rights and liberties of American citizens, I remain, etc."

These papers were entrusted for deliverance to General Robison and Major Lot Smith, who sent them from a short distance outside of Camp Winfield--as they were permitted to do by their instructions--by the hand of a Mexican mountaineer named Marrianne. Colonel Alexander gave the only answer possible for him to make to Governor Young's demands. He acknowledged receipt of the several communications; announced himself the present senior commanding officer of the United States troops at his encampment; he would submit the communications to the colonel commanding as soon as he arrived. It was also announced that the troops at Camp Winfield were there by the orders of the president of the United States; and that their future movements would depend upon "orders issued by competent authority," among whom, of course, the governor of Utah was not recognized.

THE ISSUE--TERRITORY vs. BUCHANAN ADMINISTRATION

The issue for the campaign was now joined. It was for the commander of the Utah militia to take the initiative if the "war" between the United States and Utah was to eventuate in action. Immediate developments will disclose that there was no hesitancy on the part of General Wells. Of course, from the first, when resistance was determined upon it was not the intention to engage in pitched battles with the regular troops of the United States. The necessity for the Utah people conserving all their forces for what might be a prolonged "war," the final destruction of their settlements in Utah, and flight into the mountains, and perhaps southward into Mexico, made necessary and justified the Fabian method determined upon and followed.

The answer of Colonel Alexander to the several communications sent to him by General Wells was received in the latter's encampment at Fort Bridger on the evening of the 2nd of October, and forwarded by express to Governor Young. "The letters were as respectful as could be anticipated," writes the chronicle followed in this part of the campaign; "but did not comply with the governor's request, nor did it alter any of our arrangements."

A council of war was held by the Nauvoo Legion officers at Fort Bridger on the afternoon of the 3rd of October. It was decided in the council to begin active operations against the "Expedition." Major McAllister was on the Oregon road watching the movement of the troops from that point; O. P. Rockwell was sent to his assistance and with orders to burn the grass on all routes to Salt Lake valley, beginning with the road via Soda Springs. Colonel Burton, whose command was then encamped at Fort Supply was to break encampment and cooperate in these maneuvers, annoying the "Expedition" in all the ways in his power "without risking his men."

As Fort Bridger and adjacent Fort Supply, on Smith's Fork, would in all probability fall into the hands of the regular troops, and would be available for winter quarters for the "Expedition," after caching the grain that had been raised there, and other property that could not be taken away, Fort Bridger was burned on the 3rd of October, quarter-master-general of the territory, Lewis Robison, applying the torch. "It burned very rapidly and made a great fire." The property destroyed amounted to about $2,000. Two or three days later Fort Supply was burned, by the Utah militia. The mills, buildings and other property destroyed were estimated at a value of $50,000. Great activity was manifested by the several militia commands in firing the grass, running off and stampeding the stock of the "Expedition" on every possible occasion; but at first the raids upon the stock were attended with no very great success, as the herds were thoroughly guarded.

This was the inauguration of that policy of defensive warfare which had been determined upon, and which is best expressed in orders and instructions to the colonels, majors and captains leading the various separate commands operating in the field. A copy of these letters of instructions fell into the hands of United States army officers and was reported to the administration at Washington by Fitz J. Porter, assistant adjutant general to Colonel Johnston. It was found upon the person of Major Joseph Taylor, of Weber county, when he was captured early in October. Taylor was commander of one hundred men, but was captured by a squad of Captain Marcy's troops, while with his adjutant, W. R. Stowell and three others, he was temporarily separated from his command. Following is the letter of instructions found upon his person:

INSTRUCTIONS TO UTAH MILITIA OFFICERS

"Headquarters Eastern Expedition,

Camp Near Cache Cave,

Oct. 4, 1857.

You will proceed, with all possible dispatch, without injuring your animals, to the Oregon road, near the bend of Bear river, north by east of this place. Take close and correct observation of the country on your route. When you approach the road, send scouts ahead, to ascertain if the invading troops have passed that way. Should they have passed, take a concealed route, and get ahead of them. Express to Colonel Burton, who is now on that road and in the vicinity of the troops, proceed at once to annoy them in every possible way. Use every exertion to stampede their animals and set fire to their trains. Burn the whole country before them, and on their flanks. Keep them from sleeping by night surprises; blockade the road by felling trees or destroying the river fords where you can. Watch for opportunities to set fire to the grass before them that can be burned. Keep your men concealed as much as possible, and guard against surprise. Keep scouts out at all times, and communications open with Colonel Burton, Major McAllister and O. P. Rockwell, who are operating in the same way. Keep me advised daily of your movements, and every step the troops take, and in which direction.

God bless you, and give you success.

Your brother in Christ,

DANIEL H. WELLS.

P.S.--If the troops have not passed, or have turned in this direction, follow in their rear, and continue to annoy them, burning any trains they may leave. Take no life, but destroy their trains, and stampede or drive away their animals, at every opportunity.

Major Joseph Taylor. [Signed]"D. H. WELLS."

General Wells, meantime had visited the several militia camps in Echo canon and inspected their fortifications.

THE BURNING OF UNITED STATES WAGON TRAINS

While yet at Bridger, October 3rd, General Wells ordered Major Lot Smith to take a small company of men and intercept the supply trains then advancing from South Pass and either turn them back or burn them. Accordingly, with a command of forty-four men, rank and file, among whom were Captain Horton D. Haight, and Thomas Abbott and John Vance, officers, he started upon his mission.

The command rode eastward all night, and early the next morning came in sight of an ox train headed westward. This was in charge of a Captain Rankin. Major Smith informed him that he must turn his train and "go the other way, until he reached the states." When the train captain inquired by what authority such orders were issued, Major Smith pointed to his men saying there was part of it, the rest was concealed in the bush. Rankin swore roundly at the orders, but nevertheless turned his train eastward. As soon as Major Smith's company was out of sight, however, he would turn again to the west. Some United States troops met him that day, and taking out his lading he left the wagons and teams standing. This near Green river, and that night Major Smith camped in close proximity to these troops.

Having had but partial success with Rankin's train Major Smith determined upon bolder measures. Though his command was small, he divided it; sending Captain Haight with nineteen men "to see if he could get the mules of the 10th regiment on any terms." With the remaining twenty-three men he started for Sandy Fork to intercept trains approaching from the direction of South Pass. When he had reached Big Sandy, a stream from the northeast, tributary to Green river, his scouts reported to him a train of "twenty-six large freight wagons on the old `Mormon' trail." He resolved on destroying this train and rode back fourteen miles for that purpose. Arriving near the trains he discovered that the camp was very much awake, the teamsters drinking. Knowing the likelihood of men under the influence of liquor to be quarrelsome and ready to fight, Major Smith kept his command in ambush, meanwhile sending scouts to "ascertain the exact number and position of the wagons. Twenty-six wagons, in two lines, a short distance apart," was the scout's report. When Smith's command rode into the camp its leader discovered he had misunderstood his scout's report; for instead of twenty-six wagons in two lines a short distance apart, there were two lines a short distance apart with twenty-six wagons in each! Glancing over his shoulder as he rode into the campfire light he discovered that his men apparently stretched out indefinitely, and trusting to the camp's being deceived by this false appearance of numbers he proceeded with his enterprise, notwithstanding the odds against him.

Calling for the commander, a Mr. Dawson answered, to whom Major Smith explained his intention of burning the train, but informed him that the men might take from the wagons their private property if they would do so quickly. "For God's sake," said Captain Dawson, "don't burn the trains!" "It is for his sake that I am going to burn them," replied Major Smith coolly.

Without more ado the camp was disarmed, the arms stacked and the men put under guard. In the midst of these proceedings a messenger rode into camp from Colonel Alexander. His message was for Captain Rankin, and verbal. Major Smith insisted upon its being delivered in his presence, and intimated to the courier that if he lied in repeating it his life would be forfeited. The message from Colonel Alexander notified the train captain that "the Mormons were in the field; that the captain and teamsters must not go to sleep; but keep night guard on their trains; and that four companies of cavalry and two pieces of artillery would come over in the morning to escort them to camp."

While Smith's command was burning the first train a guard from the second came up to see what was going on. He was ordered to give no alarm. Shortly afterwards, and taking Captain Dawson with him to the second train, Major Smith proceeded to set fire to it. Then ordering the train men to make no attempt to put out the fires he rode away leaving both trains ablaze. Fifty-one wagons and their contents were completely destroyed in this first burning.

Major Smith's command went to the bluffs of Green river, from which point its leaders sent a single courier to report their success to General Wells. After allowing his men a night's rest, Major Smith sallied forth again and met a supply train at a point on the Big Sandy, since known as "Simpson's Hollow." There were twenty-five wagons in this third train, and allowing the teamsters and Captain Simpson to load up two of the wagons with provisions and clothing for their personal use, the rest of the train was burned.

The capture and burning of this third train was attended with dramatic circumstances. When Major Smith came up to the train and asked for the train master he was informed that the "captain" was out after cattle. After disarming the teamster the major rode out and met the captain whose name was Simpson, about half a mile from the train. "I told him," says Smith's narrative, "that I came on business. He inquired the nature of it, when I demanded his pistols. He replied: `By G-d, sir, no man ever took them yet, and if you think you can, without killing me, try it.' We were all the time riding towards the train, with our noses about as close together as two Scotch terriers would have held theirs--his eyes flashing fire; I couldn't see mine--I told him that I admired a brave man, but that I did not like blood--you insist on my killing you, which will only take a minute, but I don't want to do it. We had by this time reached the train. He, seeing that his men were under guard, surrendered, saying: `I see you have me at a disadvantage, my men being disarmed.' I replied that I didn't need the advantage and asked him what he would do if we should give them their arms. `I'll fight you!' `Then,' said I, `We know something about that too--take up your arms!' His men exclaimed, `Not by a d--n sight! We came out here to whack bulls, not to fight.' `What do you say to that, Simpson?' I asked. `Damnation,' he replied, grinding his teeth in the most violent manner, `If I had been here before and they had refused to fight, I would have killed every man of them.'"

"Captain Simpson was the bravest man I met during the campaign. He was a son-in-law of Mr. Majors, a large contractor for government freighting. He was terribly exercised over the capture of his train, and wanted to know what kind of a report he could make to the commander, and what he could do with his crowd of cowardly teamsters left on the plains to starve. I told him that I would give him a wagon loaded with provisions. `You will give me two, I know it by your looks!' I told them to hurry up and get their things out, and take their two wagons for we wanted to go on. Simpson begged me not to burn the train while he was in sight, and said that it would ruin his reputation as a wagon master. I told him not to be squeamish, that the trains burned very nicely, I had seen them before, and that we hadn't time to be ceremonious. We then supplied ourselves with provisions, set the wagons afire, and rode on about two miles from the stream to rest."

The amount of property destroyed in burning these seventy-four wagons was considerable, and appears in detail in Commissary Clarke's report in the House Documents of the 35th Congress. The action of Major Smith received high commendation from General Wells, and he was urged to continue his attacks upon the trains; to keep the enemy under arms by night surprises and thus wear them out. "May the Lord God of Israel bless you," said General Wells' letter, and "help you to hedge up the way of our enemies and cause them to leave the territory."

While camped a short distance from the scene of this latest exploit, for a much needed rest, a most painful accident occurred in Major Smith's command. The accidental discharge of an old United States Yauger musket passed a heavy ball through Orson P. Arnold's thigh, breaking the bone in a frightful manner. The accident entailed upon the sympathetic command the task of carrying their wounded comrade a distance of thirty miles on foot, in an improvised litter of poles and blankets.

The incident and its connections illustrates the character of this command of mountain men and their leader. The command was in imminent danger of being attacked while engaged in their last train-burning adventure, as troops, some of whom were mounted, were not far distant. When young Arnold fell with his wounded leg under him the jagged points of the broken bones struck through the flesh of the terrible wound, and it would seem that he would bleed to death in a few minutes. "We laid our hands upon him," says Major Lot Smith, "according to the order of the church, and asked our Father to preserve him for we knew that we could not." The first words young Arnold spoke were--"I shall always be a cripple, and will never be able to fight soldiers again." He was carried to Green river where he was left in the care of mountaineers until a wagon could be sent for him to take him to Salt Lake City. While the litter was being constructed--the poles had to be obtained from a distance--and the bone was being rudely set, the picket guard came running to camp with the word that two hundred cavalry men were close upon the command. Consternation followed. One man moved that the command surrender. "I will say when to do that," sternly said Major Smith. Another proposed that they "run"--"I will kill the man that made that motion myself if he dare try it." Then Major Smith made his first "war speech." He reminded his men that they were not there of their own choice or on their own business. "Our people and their rights are being assailed," he said. It is the Lord's work that we are engaged in; and we are called by him to protect our homes and our religion. If he suffers those troops to come near us, we will trust in him and whip them, no matter about their number." This restored the morale of the command. No troops appeared. Young Arnold was always lame after this accident, but he led an active and useful business life until the spring of 1913, when he died.

At Green river another report was brought in that troops were close at hand and Major Smith sent out scouts to locate them definitely; himself the meanwhile climbing a tree for a better outlook over the river bottom. Very soon a scout ran back to the grove where the command was resting, to report that two soldiers were chasing two of the command. Acting instinctively Major Smith dropped from the tree and seizing a gun started in the direction of the "chase" and the "flight," the whole command at his heels. Then suddenly the major stopped short. "Did you say that two of our men were being chased by two soldiers," he inquired of the scout who brought the report. "Yes," said the scout. "Then I hope they will catch them; for I don't want any two men that any other two can chase." And with that all returned to the grove. It happened that the two men being "chased" were meeting two friends from Captain Haight's command, which shortly afterwards joined Smith's.

No more wagon trains came in Major Smith's way and he had to content himself thereafter with raids upon cattle herds of the "Utah Expedition" in which he was as eminently successful as in destroying trains; nearly 1,000 head of cattle being sent into Salt Lake valley from his successive raids.

THE MEETING OF A CAPTAIN AND MAJOR--A GRIM INTERVIEW

On one occasion Major Smith came nearly being captured by Captain Marcy, who was sent out to take him. Having his command increased to nearly one hundred men the major was not disposed to avoid encounter with United States troops; and this led him to follow the trail of Captain Marcy's command, when he found it leading away from the "Expedition's" main line of march. The major's intention was to run off the mules on which Marcy's men were mounted. With part of his men he had followed Marcy's troops through a pre-daylight march, and suddenly came close upon them in the very early morning. "When they saw us right at their heels," says Smith's narrative, "there was some lively scampering for a few moments." The two commands were but forty rods apart when Captain Marcy had drawn up his men in line. Major Smith rode forward alone and was met by the captain within twenty paces of the latter's line. Captain Marcy introduced himself, at the same time saying he supposed he was addressing "Captain Smith." The answer was an affirmative. He then said that the forces he commanded were United States troops and asked Major Smith what armed force it was he commanded. "We are from Utah," was the answer. "What is your business out here?" inquired Marcy. "Watching you," was the prompt reply. "What is your business?" asked the Utah leader. Marcy rather evasively said he was looking out a way into Utah. "Nonsense," said Major Smith, "you have left the main road to the valley long ago. It passes through Echo canon. I have been that way myself many a time." This was sneeringly said, at which, however, Captain Marcy only smiled.

Captain Marcy, near the close of the interview, expressed regret for the existing Utah difficulties, and said that the officers of the "Expedition" did not want to come to blows with the people of Utah. "I told him," says Major Smith, "that the administration seemed to want them to, and that their coming here put us in the position of a man holding off the hand that clutched a knife with which to cut his throat. We had a good hold on that arm raised against us, and would keep it." The captain mentioned letters of introduction he held to gentlemen in Salt Lake City, one among others to Elder John Taylor recently of New York. The major banteringly suggested that he send them in, as the captain would not be able to go in himself that winter. Marcy still having the advantage of good temper over the major, politely asked the latter if he would not take them in for him; to which Major Smith could only say that the probabilities were that he himself would not likely go to Salt Lake either that winter. Observing that time was passing Major Smith broke off the conversation and rode obliquely towards the line of Marcy's men, the captain followed. Smith's men, at a signal from him skirted around to the right, and together, leader and men rode off to find the other part of their company left in charge of their packs. While getting into marching order they were nearly surrounded by Marcy's force and only escaped by making a bold dash through Ham's Fork, near which the other part of the command had halted. Just as they were all safely out of the river, Marcy's cavalry came dashing up and commanded them to halt. Smith's command shouted back their compliments, "more expressive than elegant," writes Major Smith, "as we leisurely rode up the hill." From the hillside among out-jutting rocks overlooking the stream and its valley, Smith's command watched their enemies on the other side of the river.

UNDER FIRE--ONLY SHOTS OF "THE WAR"

Meanwhile from another direction, a troop of horsemen rode in upon them and got within short range, just as the Utah men discovered their presence. Dismounting, the troops fired about forty shots among Smith's command. The haste was evidently so great and the range so short, however, that the shots for the most part hurtled harmlessly over their heads, the only effect of the fusillade being the hitting of two horses, one of which, a gray, fell near Major Smith. For a moment the troops must have thought they had brought him down, as they raised an exultant shout when the horse fell.

Smith's command retired safely, a dozen picked men lingering in the rear of the main company, with Major Smith to engage the troops who had fired upon them if they left the hillside to follow up their attack. The attacking party did not come down, however, and the small rear guard